2304-9472; e-ISSN: 2949-3501 29 3 2026 1-197

EDI RUS 7-8 Q-7224-2016 6508050731 0000-0003-4103-7785 Peter the Great St.Petersburg Polytechnic University Lbova lbovapnr5@gmail.com

Russia, 195251, St.Petersburg, Polytechnicheskaya, 29

A Message from the Editorial Team A Message from the Editorial Team A Message from the Editorial Team https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.1/ 0__slovo_ot_redkollegii_7-8.pdf

RAR RUS 9-26 0000-0002-4663-8072 Saint Petersburg State University Bolgov Radomir rbolgov@yandex.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

0000-0003-4056-6407 Olukosi Ibitoye olukosiibitoye@yahoo.com

Nigeria

Towards a Distant Alliance: Technology in the Nigeria – Russia Partnership Introduction. Existing accounts of Nigeria – Russia relations concentrate heavily on diplomacy and arms sales, leaving the more granular, sector-level basis for cooperation comparatively under-theorized. The research examines three areas in which the two countries' declared priorities intersect: digital technology and e-governance, cybersecurity, as well as atomic sector and electricity.  Methods and Materials. The article draws on Nigerian and Russian government data, sector reports, and the peer-reviewed literature. The article proceeds sector by sector before turning, in the discussion, to the common institutional obstacle that appears to constrain progress across all the areas. Results. The research shows that Nigeria's structural needs in each of these areas correspond closely to capabilities Russia has developed and is, under the pressure of Western sanctions, more willing than before to export. At the same time, several of the specific instruments considered in the wider literature – most notably mass public surveillance as an anti-corruption tool – carry governance and civil-liberties costs that deserve more explicit treatment than they typically receive.  Discussion and Conclusion. The article argues that Nigeria's chief constraint is not the absence of complementary Russian capacity but the absence of an institutional mechanism to convert periodic high-level agreements into implemented, monitored projects, and it proposes a narrower set of near-term priorities – a bilateral cybercrime information-sharing protocol, technology transfer, and targeted atomic industry investment – as a more tractable basis for near-term cooperation than the broader partnership agenda usually described. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.1 327 Nigeria Russia technology cooperation cybersecurity atomic industry South–South cooperation https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.2/ 1__bolgov_r_v__olukosi_i_b__9-26.pdf

RAR RUS 27-44 0000-0002-1414-393X Saint Petersburg State University Neverov Kirill kir.neverov@gmail.com

Saint Petersburg, Russia

Digital Transformation of Public Administration in Argentina Introduction. Digital transformation of public administration is one of the key challenges of modern public authority development. The relevance of the chosen topic is determined by the illustrative nature of Argentina’s experience, which reflects the contradictory character of such reforms in Latin American countries, where high technological potential coexists with systemic governance dysfunctions, economic instability, and deep social inequality, thus providing rich empirical material for studying the factors of success and failure in digital modernisation. The aim of this study is a comprehensive analysis of Argentina’s digital transformation policy in public administration for the period 2016–2024. The research problem is the dissonance between the formal institutional maturity of Argentina’s digital state and its actual instability in digital transformation, driven by the high sensitivity of reforms to changes in administration, weak interagency and interregional coordination, and the persistence of structural digital inequality. Methods and materials. The study employs qualitative case study methods, as well as techniques for analysing legal acts, national strategies and plans, reports from international organisations (UN, World Bank, ITU), and expert publications for the specified period. The analysis covers key regulatory acts (Decrees 434/2016, 733/2018, and 996/2018) and specific projects (the unified public services portal “Argentina.gob.ar”, the GDE electronic document management system, the digital identity card DNI Digital, the Boti chatbot in Buenos Aires, the National Artificial Intelligence Plan ArgenIA, and the “Federalisation of Innovation” programme). Results. It is revealed that, despite Argentina’s impressive positions in international e-government rankings, digital transformation in the country is intermittent and fragmented. Empirical evidence includes a sharp drop in the E‑Participation Index (EPI) and a decline in Buenos Aires’ position in the LOSI ranking. Three main groups of barriers are identified: digital inequality (about 10% of the population lacks Internet access, and a gap persists between the capital and the provinces); insufficient coordination between levels of government and among agencies; and political uncertainty in the regulation of artificial intelligence and cybersecurity. Successful technical solutions (the portal, GDE, Boti) do not translate into sustainable governance quality due to the lack of institutional continuity and the high sensitivity of reforms to changes in administration. Discussion and Conclusion. The findings can contribute to the development of practical recommendations for enhancing the sustainability of digital reforms in a turbulent political‑administrative environment and offer insights into the debate on the drivers of success and failure of digital transformation in developing economies. Moreover, they can serve as an empirical model for Russia’s digital transformation practice to diagnose risks of institutional discontinuity, regional inequality, and weak coordination, as well as to devise measures for increasing the resilience of digital reforms under administrative changes. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.2 351/354 southern cone Latin America digitalization government turbulence https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.3/ 2__neverov_k_a__27-44.pdf

RAR RUS 45-65 0009-0008-1648-4704 Shanghai University of Political Science and Law Wang Jinhui jasminew610@yandex.ru

Shanghai, China

0009-0004-1769-0973 Lomonosov Moscow State University Yurchenko Pavel yurchenkops@my.msu.ru

Moscow, Russia

0009-0003-5079-5710 Shanghai University Liu Yi liuyi1980@shu.edu.cn

Shanghai, China

Chinese-Russian Cooperation in Space in the Context of the “Global Governance Initiative” Introduction. The article examines Chinese-Russian cooperation in the space sector amid the transformation of the global governance system and the intensifying competition among great powers. The relevance of the study is due to the growing dependence of the world economy the growing dependence of the global economy and security on space infrastructure, as well as the crisis of the existing international legal mechanisms regulating space activities. Particular attention is paid to the concept of the “Global Governance Initiative” proposed by China as an alternative approach to shaping a more just and multilateral model of space governance. Methods and Materials. The study is based on a comprehensive analysis of Chinese conceptual documents, international legal acts in the field of outer space, scholarly literature on global governance and astropolitics, based on comparative and systemic approaches. The theoretical framework is grounded in the principles of realism and institutionalism within the theory of international relations. Results. The study establishes that Chinese-Russian space cooperation goes beyond the traditional logic of the balance of power and combines strategic, technological, and institutional elements. It is demonstrated that the “Global Governance Initiative” creates a new framework for understanding state interaction in outer space, based on the principles of multilateralism, sovereign equality, and the shared use of outcomes. It is also revealed that cooperation between China and Russia is viewed as an attempt to find a balance between national security and the formation of mechanisms for the collective governance of outer space. Conclusion. The article concludes that Chinese-Russian cooperation in space does not represent a closed geopolitical bloc, but rather a model of interaction aimed at reforming the existing system of global governance and adapting the international order to the new challenges of the space age. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.3 327 Chinese-Russian cooperation outer space global governance Global Governance Initiative international relations space policy astropolitics https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.4/ 3__van_tszinhuey_yurchenko_p_s__lyu_i_45-65.pdf

RAR RUS 66-80 0000-0001-6814-1078 Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University Wang Mingjun a1069910470@gmail.com Changes in USA Trade Policy Toward Vietnam and Their Impact on China-Vietnam Relations Under the Second Trump Administration Introduction. In 2025–2026, the legal basis and agenda of U.S. trade pressure on Vietnam changed. The article examines its effects on U.S.–Vietnam political relations and China–Vietnam economic, political, and security ties. For Russia, the case illustrates how U.S. trade law and market access extend compliance requirements to Southeast Asian production links. Materials and Methods. The study uses the historical method, comparative analysis, and descriptive statistics. Sources include official documents, trade and investment data, and studies covering January 20, 2025–August 1, 2026. Results. The study identifies trade-law instrument substitution that maintained U.S. pressure after the IEEPA tariffs ended. The shift from the Section 122 surcharge to Section 301 measures moved the focus from country-specific tariffs to checks on origin, labor conditions, and intellectual property protection. Compliance requirements raised verification costs for Chinese inputs, led Vietnam to strengthen traceability and local sourcing, and encouraged Chinese firms to expand production in Vietnam. Trade disputes made the U.S.–Vietnam Comprehensive Strategic Partnership more conditional, while contacts continued. Discussion and Conclusion. The change reflected U.S. market power, competition with China, and U.S.–Vietnam economic complementarity. Vietnam remains dependent on U.S. demand and Chinese production resources while maintaining multi-vector cooperation within strategic autonomy. Competition in final goods intensified, while production, political, and security ties continued. The article is relevant to international relations, world economy, and regional studies specialists. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.4 327,7 Trump U.S.A.–Vietnam relations China–Vietnam relations trade law supply chains https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.5/ 4__van_mintszyun_66-80.pdf

RAR RUS 81-100 0009-0001-3265-0214 Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation Chingovo Carlean carleanchingovo@gmail.com

Moscow, Russia

From Sunflower to Sovereignty: A Comparative Analysis of Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) Strategies in Edible Oils – Lessons from Russia for Zimbabwe Introduction. The article presents the results of a critical analysis of the Russian strategic model of import substitution in the agro-processing industry on the example of the vegetable oil production industry, based on which an assessment of prospects for Zimbabwe is made. Materials and Methods. The study employs comparative policy analysis to identify specific mechanisms targeted tariffs, production subsidies, and vertical integration incentives that facilitated Russia's transformation from a net importer to a global exporter. A formal feasibility analysis determines the extent to which this policy framework can be applied to Zimbabwe. By comparing differences in scale, institutional capacity, and market structure, the study identifies the most important aspects of the Russian model for the Zimbabwean context. Results. Based on an analysis of South-South policy transfer, a practical method is proposed for enhancing food sovereignty in developing countries through strategic industrial policy. The analysis shows that successful transfer depends less on replicating instruments and more on adapting strategic logic to local institutional constraints – a process termed "constrained adaptation." The author concludes that edible oils represent a strategic entry point for rebuilding industrial policy credibility and achieving incremental food sovereignty in Zimbabwe. Discussion. Comparison of this study's results with the work of other authors confirms key conclusions. The effectiveness of the Russian import substitution model is conditioned by pre-existing bureaucratic capacity, which aligns with this study's finding on institutional thickness as a binding constraint. The role of strategic planning and sequential policy implementation in achieving food security correlates with the study's identified principles of sectoral selectivity and temporal sequencing. Research on the political economy of agro-holding development is complemented by this study, which shows that for countries with lower institutional capacity, direct transfer of the large agro-holding model is not feasible, and an adapted phased strategy is more realistic. This study confirms that fiscal space is a determining factor for the availability of industrial policy instruments and successful import substitution. Conclusion. This article will be useful for analysts in industrial policy, specialists in the ministries of agriculture and industry of developing countries, as well as researchers studying import substitution, policy transfer, and agro-industrial value chain development in the context of South-South cooperation. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.5 327 Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) Russia Zimbabwe Agri-processing Edible Oils Food Sovereignty Policy Transfer Industrial Policy Value Chain Development South-South Cooperation https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.6/ 5__chingovo_k__81-100.pdf

RAR RUS 101-113 Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University Lu Feng boker809260921@gmail.com Institutional Mechanisms for Regulating Chinese–Kazakhstan Relations Introduction. The asymmetry of economic resources between China and Kazakhstan does not predetermine a one-sided bilateral relationship. National legislation, interstate agreements, and administrative procedures shape the practical conditions under which capital, labour, and goods move across the border. The aim of the study is to identify the political and institutional mechanisms through which Kazakhstan’s state regulation structures economic relations with China and preserves the host state’s regulatory agency. Methods and Materials. The study combines institutional and problem-oriented chronological approaches with comparative analysis of official statistics and critical cross-checking of regulatory sources. The empirical base includes Kazakhstan’s legislation, bilateral investment instruments, official data on foreign direct investment, trade and foreign employment, and documents governing Kazakhstani agricultural access to the Chinese market. Results. The article introduces the concept of an “institutional filter of economic relations”, which combines four modes of state regulation: investment-law, labour, customs-statistical, and sanitary-market access. The findings show that announced commercial agreements cannot be treated as realized investment; Kazakhstani and Chinese trade statistics must be reported separately; the foreign-labour permit regime is nationwide rather than China-specific; and sanitary protocols simultaneously constrain trade and create legally recognized market access. Discussion. The results refine macro-level studies of multi-vector foreign policy and asymmetry by showing that room for political manoeuvre also depends on routine administrative institutions. Conclusions. State regulation does not remove resource asymmetry; it translates its practical consequences into formal procedures. Kazakhstan’s regulatory agency lies not in autonomy from Chinese capital and markets, but in its capacity to set implementation conditions for investment, employment, and exports. The findings may be useful for understanding interstate interaction in Central Asia within applied regional studies and contemporary political-economy research. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.6 327 Kazakhstan China state regulation investment policy institutional approach labour migration market access regulatory agency https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.7/ 6__lu_fen_101-113.pdf

RAR RUS 114-124 0009-0004-2118-4758 Saint Petersburg State University Pugach Grigorii pugachgv23@yandex.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

Critical Racial Theory in the Modern Politics of the United States of America Introduction. The problem of race relations in the United States of America has not lost its relevance since the emergence of this state. Numerous conflicts confirm the unresolved nature of many social contradictions. The relevance of this research is determined by the continued attention of the scientific community and the public to the problems of the African-American community in the United States of America. It is worth emphasizing the importance of this work for the Russian Federation. Taking into account the desire to build a harmonious dialogue with the countries of the global South, the need to understand their cultural, ethnic and racial characteristics continues to increase, therefore, the study of the provisions of critical racial theory is relevant for domestic science. The purpose of the study is to identify cases of implementation of the provisions of the critical racial theory by senior officials of this country and non–governmental organizations. The author seeks to demonstrate examples of the implementation of the ideas of the Derrick Bell supporters' approach in the modern American political process. Methods and Materials. Theoretically, the work is based on the most critical racial theory. For example, the method of analyzing texts of documents (2010–2021), in particular draft laws, reflects the need to identify inequalities contained at the level of regulatory legal acts and their implementation practices. The "case study" method will allow us to consider how the provisions of critical racial theory are applied by the executive branch, represented by the head of state, the legislative branch, represented by the Black Caucus of the US Congress, and civil associations, which is "Black Lives Matter". Results. Despite the debate about the legal status of critical racial theory in the United States of America, it continues to remain relevant. The paper presents specific legislative initiatives reflecting the key ideas of supporters of the Derrick Bell approach. The existence of such aspirations to change American law enforcement is a confirmation of the unresolved nature of problems in the field of racial interaction in this country.  Conclusion. The study highlights the continued relevance of critical racial theory. Moreover, the submitted regulations, which reflect her ideas, suggests that Derrick Bell's idea went far beyond the academic realm. Based on them, specific legislative initiatives are proposed to improve the situation of the black community. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.7 327 United States of America African Americans critical race theory race "Black Lives Matter" https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.8/ 7__pugach_g_v__114-124.pdf

RAR RUS 125-134 0000-0003-3592-8557 Saint Petersburg State University Barinov Dmitriy barinovdima1990@yandex.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

The Balkan Crisis and Revolutionary Parties in Russia in the Early 20th Century (Part 1, 1903–1908) Introduction. Events in the Balkan Peninsula traditionally attracted the attention of society in the Russian Empire. Political parties and the press of various ideological persuasions closely followed the fate of the region and, above all, the Slavic population. In modern historiography, the topic of Russian society's perception of the Balkan crisis is one of the most popular. However, it cannot be considered exhaustive. An entire block of publications in the revolutionary press of the early 20th century is excluded from the research field: an article published in two parts will be devoted to the reflection of the Balkan Question in 1903–1913 (Part 1. 1903–1908, Part 2. 1908–1913). Methods and Materials. The main objective of the research was to assess how the Balkan Question was covered in the pages of the printed organs of the Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, and Bolsheviks, as well as in their parliamentary speeches. Among the publications analyzed were the Social Democratic newspapers: "Iskra", "Sotsial-Demokrat", "Golos Sotsial-Demokrata", "Nasha Zarya", "Pravda"; the Socialist Revolutionary newspapers: "Revolyutsionnaya Rossiya", "Znamya Truda", "Izvestia Oblastnogo Komitet Zagranichnoy Organizatsiya"; Anarchist newspapers such as "Khleb i Volya", "Golos Truda". Results. The study identified the main authors covering international issues in general and the Balkans in particular. The article highlights the similarities and differences in the approaches of the Social Democrats and Socialist Revolutionaries. The similarity lay in the fact that discussions of foreign policy became a tool for criticizing opponents within the country – the autocratic government and the Kadet Party. The Socialist Revolutionaries saw a way out of the protracted crisis in the liberalization of political regimes in the region, while the Social Democrats saw a way out of the protracted crisis in the formation of a Balkan Federation, including not only Slavic peoples but also Turkey, which would resolve national and economic contradictions and create a bloc against the Western European countries. Discussion and Conclusion. The analysis may be of interest to specialists in the history of the liberation movement in Russia and specialists in the history of the Balkan countries. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.8 93/94 Ilinden Uprising RSDLP Socialist Revolutionaries Young Turk Revolution Balkans https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.9/ 8__barinov_d_a__125-134.pdf

RAR RUS 135-157 0000-0002-0246-7945 Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University Grinev Andrei grinev_av@spbstu.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

Why Weren't Feudal Castles Built in Rus'? Introduction. Feudal castles are a universally recognized architectural symbol of the European Middle Ages. In medieval Rus’, both before and after the Mongol invasion, castles were not built at all, yet no one has yet attempted to understand this phenomenon. Therefore, this article is the first attempt in Russian historiography to explain the absence of feudal castles in our country. Methods and Materials. A combination of general scientific theoretical methods, historical description, comparative typological and comparative analytical methods, and a systems approach were used. Empirical methods included analysis of printed and electronic sources and documents, visual images (paintings, photographs, engravings), and content analysis. The primary sources of the study included numerous images of medieval feudal castles and other fortifications, writings and notes by Western European travelers, and historical and theoretical works by Russian and foreign scholars. Results. The article explores the specific features of European feudal castles and their differences from other medieval defensive structures, including fortresses, Catholic castles, and the fortifications of medieval European cities. The geographic distribution of feudal castles is analyzed. This review is necessary to debunk the myths surrounding their presence in Russia (Vyborg Castle, Mikhailovsky Castle, and others), as well as to understand the factors that hindered the development of castle architecture in the country during the Middle Ages. According to the author, this was due to the absent of the institution of majorat, characteristic of Europe and Japan, to develop in Russia. Peter the Great’s attempt to introduce it proved belated and unsuccessful. A second reason for the absence of castles in Russia was that full-fledged feudalism never existed there, as for almost its entire history, the country evolved along the Eastern path of world civilization and was dominated by a politarism system. Conclusion. The emergence of castles in Western and Central Europe was not a random phenomenon or a tribute to architectural fashion. Castles were a natural expression of the feudal system that developed during the heyday of the Middle Ages in this region. Since Rus’ lacked the stone castles and city fortifications that saved Europe from Mongol enslavement in the 13th century, the country became easy prey for conquerors from the East. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.9 93/94 castle fortress Medieval Rus’ feudalism politarism majorat https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.10/ 9__grinyov_a_v__135-157.pdf

RAR RUS 158-184 0009-0002-2340-8693 Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University Chechevichkin Alexey chechevichkin_av@spbstu.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

The History of Russian Grenade Manufacturing in the Early 20th Century: New Finds from St. Petersburg Introduction. The study of the history of Russian grenade manufacturing, combined with the exhibition of researched specimens in museums and the provision of opportunities to create their replicas (for example, for subsequent use in historical films and reenactments), contributes to the popularization of Russia's military-technical heritage. The objective of this study is to describe three types of hand grenades of previously unknown design, discovered in St. Petersburg, and to determine their place within the overall history of hand grenade development in Russia. The relevance of this research is determined by the fact that examining early 20th century hand grenades and drawing comparative analogies provides insight into the evolution of military-engineering thought among Russian engineers in what was then an emerging field of military technology. Methods and Materials. This study was prompted by discoveries made between 2016 and 2025 in St. Petersburg and Kronstadt, near abandoned artillery laboratories and warehouses. In total, approximately three hundred grenade bodies of three distinct types were found, a small portion of which were in good condition. None of the discovered grenades contained explosive fillers, representing ready-made safe mock-ups. Literary sources from the early 20th century and contemporary scholarly works in the relevant field were examined. The research is grounded in general scientific methods and specialized historical methods (typological and historical-comparative). Results and Discussion. Morphological and technical analysis of the grenades under study revealed their probable manufacturing technology, operational mechanism, and most likely origin. A date range of 1912–1914 has been proposed. It has been established that these new historical sources can be considered previously unknown links in the chain of designs illustrating the evolution of engineering thought from the N. S. Lishin Mk. II grenade to the 1914 V. F. Stender grenade; the objects themselves may be designated the "Early Model Stender Hand Grenade," with three distinct types identified. Conclusion. The results of this work will enable future researchers to correctly identify archival records concerning the design, production, testing, and use of the studied grenades. Furthermore, they will allow a broad readership to become acquainted with the unconventional design of early 20th century Russian hand grenades.   10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.10 94.100+358.23 First World War engineering troops engineering department time-fuze grenade friction grenade pyroxylin block grenade manufacturing https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.11/ 10__chechevichkin_a_v__158-184.pdf

BRV RUS 185-191 0000-0003-3001-7391 Ural Federal University named after first president of Russia B.N. Yeltsin Oleshko Vladimir vladimir.oleshko@urfu.ru

Ekaterinburg, Russia

0000-0002-1244-1036 Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University Ivannikov Nikita ivannikov_ns@spbstu.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

Cognitive Security as a Trend in the Development of the Media Landscape in the Digital Age This review examines the textbook "Cognitive Security of the Media Space". It highlights the publication’s high theoretical and methodological quality, as well as the comprehensive nature of the interdisciplinary research that underpins its practical significance. Emphasis is placed on the fact that this is the first textbook in the series "Prolegomenon of Cognitive Security", intended for students in combined groups across several university majors. The authors’ recommendations are also highly relevant for the effective implementation of media education technologies. Overall, the reviewer notes, the book will undoubtedly be useful to anyone interested in the prospects for the development of cognitive sciences and technologies for countering destructive and extremist ideologies in the context of the transformational processes of Russia’s information society. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.3.11 32.019.51 cognitive security media space cognitive linguistics cognitive technologies https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.37.12/ 11__oleshko_v_f__ivannikov_n_s__185-191.pdf