2304-9472; e-ISSN: 2949-3501 29 2 2026 1-205

EDI RUS 7-8 H-4865-2016 57193690516 0000-0001-9760-2443 Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University Sidorchuk Ilya chubber@yandex.ru

Polytechnicheskaya 29

A Message from the Editorial Team A Message from the Editorial Team A Message from the Editorial Team https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.1/ 1_slovo_ot_redkollegii_7-8.pdf

RAR RUS 9-35 Q-7224-2016 6508050731 0000-0003-4103-7785 Peter the Great St.Petersburg Polytechnic University Lbova lbovapnr5@gmail.com

Russia, 195251, St.Petersburg, Polytechnicheskaya, 29

0009-0003-7553-5800 Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University Zhang Jinkai 519030552@qq.com

Saint Petersburg, Russia

Lazareva Varvara lazareva2.vd@edu.spbstu.ru National Strategy for China's Scientific Centers: Lessons in Management and Integration with Technical Universities Introduction. Analyze comprehensive strategy for national technological sovereignty and the development of research centers with the participation of technical universities is the purpose of this study. The regulatory mechanisms, structural characteristics, and practical results of implementing the state strategy are examined. Particular attention is paid to the role of China's technical universities in the integrated model of science and education. The integration of technology, scientific research, and human resource development facilitates the formation of innovative scientific clusters, which serve not only as a market ecosystem but also as an element and mechanism for implementing the state's long-term development strategy. Methods and Materials. The study is based on a system approach that views objects as complex systems consisting of interconnected elements. This approach is relevant for studying universities and research organizations, allowing for consideration of their multi-level structure and interaction dynamics. The materials are presented in key strategic documents designed to stimulate the development of scientific and technological fields in China.  Results. State policy in China directs technical universities to play a crucial role in the national innovation system. They reproduce scientific knowledge, train highly skilled personnel, and transfer technology to the real economy. Unlike traditional models, where universities primarily focus on education, Chinese technical and engineering institutions are tasked with implementing state technological priorities. The development of innovation clusters in China is spatially differentiated. Discussion and Conclusion. In various regions of the country, scientific clusters have formed with clear industry specialization, determined by historical prerequisites, the availability of a scientific, educational and technological base, industrial infrastructure, a historically established university community and state policy priorities. The study findings may be of interest to specialists in applied research in international regional studies, as well as to those studying the development of government governance of universities and the scientific and technological sector. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.1 32.01+327+378.1 China technical universities state strategy integration science centers technological independence https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.2/ 2_lbova_l_v__chzhan_tszinkay_lazareva_v_d__9-35.pdf

RAR RUS 36-46 0009-0009-8875-511X Ural Federal University named after the first President of Russia B.N. Yeltsin Noori Abdul nuri@urfu.ru

Ekaterinburg, Russia

Humanitarian Diplomacy and Education Governance: The Role of International none-Governmental Organizations in the Education Sector of Afghanistan (2020–2025). Introduction. This investigation presents a comprehensive analysis of the role of International Non-Governmental Organizations in the governance of Afghanistan's education sector during the severe humanitarian and political crisis of 2020 – 2025. The study is grounded in the concept of humanitarian diplomacy as a tool for maintaining the viability of social institutions in a "fragile state" context. The relevance of the topic is determined by the urgent need to ensure access to education under conditions of regime change, gender-based exclusion, and international isolation. The research questions focus on how INGOs (International non-governmental Organizations) adapted educational programs to restrictive policies and what mechanisms ensured continuity of schooling for children, especially girls. Materials and methods. The study is based on data from intergovernmental organizations of the UN system, including UNICEF and UNESCO, as well as internal reports from key international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), such as Save the Children, CARE, and the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC). The authors analyzed policy documents, program reports, and statistical data to reconstruct the dynamics of Afghanistan’s education sector after the August 2021 regime change. Content and program analysis were conducted to assess the impact of Community-Based Education (CBE) programs and other adaptive mechanisms.    Results. The study finds that, amid the lack of state funding and international isolation of the de facto authority’s regime, INGOs (International non-governmental Organizations) effectively assumed the functions of a shadow ministry of education, ensuring access to primary schooling for 6.77 million children. The research highlights that 2.2 million girls were excluded from secondary education due to restrictive policies. Community-Based Education programs emerged as the sole sustainable mechanism for preserving educational infrastructure, despite critical funding shortages that covered only 22% of needs in 2025. Conclusion. The findings demonstrate that INGOs (International non-governmental Organizations) played a decisive role in maintaining the operational viability of Afghanistan’s education sector under conditions of political and humanitarian crisis. The study underscores the importance of adaptive educational programs and the potential of International Non-Governmental Organization to act as quasi-governmental actors in fragile state contexts. These insights contribute to the understanding of humanitarian diplomacy and inform strategies for supporting education in crisis-affected regions. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.2 327 Afghanistan International NGOs (none-governmental оrganizations) humanitarian diplomacy girls’ education crisis governance https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.3/ 3_nori_abdul_sabur_36-46.pdf

RAR RUS 47-62 0000-0001-9819-8171 Far Eastern Federal University Boyarkina Anna aboyarkina@gmail.com

Vladivostok, Russia

Utopia Ideals in Chinese Political Philosophy Introduction. The relevance of this topic stems from the application of traditional utopian ideals such as «da tong», «xiao kang», «great balance», and others to the implementation of the Chinese leadership's ambitious visions – «Chinese dream and a «community of shared future for mankind». The topic's novelty lies in its identification of the continuity between ancient philosophy and the current foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China. Examining how classical Chinese ideals are transformed into contemporary global initiatives is essential for understanding the country's development strategy in a changing world. The aim of this study is to establish the relationship between China’s utopian ideals and its contemporary political philosophy, as well as the ideological principles of the Chinese leadership in global affairs. The primary research objective is to demonstrate the connection between traditional Chinese ideals and ideas and China's contemporary political philosophy, as well as the ideological principles of the Chinese leadership in global affairs. Methods and materials. The study draws on a range of scientific publications that analyze utopias in Chinese political philosophy. Hermeneutics, a key philosophical method, is used in examining utopia in Chinese political philosophy. We also employ discourse analysis, which allows us to analyze political language and identify how traditional terms (e.g., «xiao kang», «great equilibrium» etc.) are imbued with new geopolitical meaning in China's official discourse. The primary sources of Chinese philosophical and socio-political thought are: the Tao Te Ching, the Taiping Jing, the Zhuangzi, and the Shi Jing. Given the incomparability of literary approaches and perceptions in English and Chinese, the study is conducted within a historical context and takes into account ideologemes as they are adapted to the Chinese way of thinking. The works and speeches of Chinese President Xi Jinping also serve as a research base.  Results. The study revealed that the utopian ideals of «great unity», «great balance», and the «tianxia» system are politically designed to return China to establishing a global order that will replace and then displace the Western concept of conflict and inequality in the world. The concept of «tianxia» is the basis for the implementation of the modern megaproject «One Belt, One Road» and the concept of the «community of common destiny of mankind, as the Chinese leadership inextricably links them with the interests of all mankind». Discussion. It is emphasized that the concept of «utopia» in its broadest sense is ambiguous and dual in nature, which is true in Chinese tradition and reality. The Chinese paradigm of thought implies a lack of concrete and clear definitions, which leads to an open mind and an allegorical approach to action. The Confucian ideal of a socio-political order where the world belongs to all (for instance, «tianxia») is close to the taoist «great balance» and «great unity». It is noted that Western notions of the world are already losing ground in scientific descriptions of the relationships between different civilizations. Immanuel Kant's theory of «perpetual peace» and Samuel Huntington's concept of the «clash of civilizations» attest to this. Wang Tao, Kang Youwei, and Zhao Tingyang believe that individual rationality is selfish, inconsistent with ethical and moral relationships, and therefore incapable of solving global problems. The four ideals of these scholars correspond to utopian attitudes that reflect the Chinese civilization's perception of the world. Conclusion.The theoretical conclusions of the article expand our understanding of how national Chinese archetypes shape China's foreign policy. The results of the study may be useful for government agencies in assessing the Chinese state’s readiness to implement «soft» and «hard» power. Understanding the ethical and utopian attitudes of the Chinese side helps build more nuanced communication, utilizing congenial meanings and avoiding cultural and ideological conflicts. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.3 327 utopia China taoism «xiao kang» «great balance» «great unity» «tianxia» https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.4/ 4_boyarkina_a_v__47-62.pdf

RAR RUS 63-74 6603404917 0000-0002-0095-8986 Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University Pogodin Sergey pogodin_sn@spbstu.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

0000-0003-1764-3873 Shenzhen University Li Jingcheng jc.li@szu.edu.cn

ShenZhen, People’s Republic of China

Retrospective Study of Marxism in Contemporary Russia Introduction. The spread of Marxism in Russia was shaped by a complex set of socio-economic factors, above all the development of capitalist production based on the exploitation of wage labor, the growth of the proletariat, and the intensification of contradictions between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. An important role was also played by the formation of class self-consciousness among the working class, manifested in the struggle for its own interests and the creation of professional organizations. A substantial contribution to the scientific and practical development of Marxism was made by V. I. Lenin, who regarded it not only as a theoretical doctrine but also as a political current serving as an instrument for achieving concrete political goals. During the Soviet period, Marxist thought acquired an institutionalized form and became widely disseminated. After the collapse of the USSR, a phase of critical reassessment of Marxism began in the former Soviet republics. In contemporary Russia, two mutually exclusive tendencies can be identified: on the one hand, a consistent critique of Marxism; on the other, the continued recognition of its relevance as a theoretical and political doctrine. Materials and methods. The source base of the study can be conventionally divided into two groups: works aimed at criticizing Marxism and studies proposing its renewed interpretation in the context of contemporary Russia. The methodological framework of the research is based on the institutional approach, as well as historical-critical and historical-comparative methods. Results. The analysis reveals two opposing directions in the interpretation of Marxism in Russia. Criticism of Marxism is represented, first, by a right-wing discourse articulated by liberal and anti-communist authors, and second, by a left-wing strand formed by supporters of the communist idea. Studies oriented toward the rethinking of Marxism may also be divided into two types: “critical Marxism,” developed by theoretical continuators of the Marxist tradition, and “eclectic Marxism,” characteristic of works produced by representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Conclusion. In contemporary Russia, Marxism has not disappeared. It continues to exist as a political movement, as an ideological doctrine, and as an object of scholarly analysis. The polarity of assessments of Karl Marx’s ideas—from their rejection as outdated to their recognition as relevant—indicates that Marxism continues to generate sustained interest within Russian social and academic discourse. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.4 141.82 Karl Marx V.I. Lenin Marxism critique of Russian Marxism development of Marxism in Russia https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.5/ 5_pogodin_s_n__li_tszinchen_63-74.pdf

RAR RUS 75-88 H-4865-2016 57193690516 0000-0001-9760-2443 Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University Sidorchuk Ilya chubber@yandex.ru

Polytechnicheskaya 29

Public Science and Anti-Religious Propaganda in the Early Soviet Period Introduction. Public science and the traditions of addressing it began to take shape in Russia back in the pre-revolutionary period. In the early Soviet society, it began to be used to solve those tasks that the new government considered the most urgent and fundamental for building a socialist society. This included anti-religious propaganda, the success of which was seen by most of those responsible for its organization and conduct only if scientific knowledge was disseminated. Methods and materials. During the preparation of the article, a number of special historical methods were used, in particular, comparative historical, historical-typological and historical-genetic. In addition, attention was drawn to works in the field of the social history of science and the anthropology of technology, for example, one of the founders of actor-network theory, J. Lo, who introduced the concept of “heterogeneous engineering” for a comprehensive understanding of technological systems. The main research materials used were published and archival sources related to the organization of anti-religious work. We are talking about periodicals, work programs of atheist circles and anti-religious universities, reports on holidays, instructions and survey materials for such early Soviet spaces of public science as clubs, red corners, cultural centers, etc. Results. It is demonstrated that the organizers of anti-religious propaganda actively turned to the practices of public science, organically integrating them into various forms of cultural work. In particular, we are talking about lectures, talks and evenings, organization of excursions, holidays. Atheistic periodicals were filled with popular scientific materials, and publications that focused on technical propaganda and various aspects of building a new way of life, in turn, addressed the anti-religious agenda. Conclusion. Despite the debatable question of the degree of success of the Bolshevik struggle against religion, it seems permissible to assert that it contributed to the growth of skepticism towards the church and its devaluation in the eyes of a certain part of the population. Political and educational activities carried out through the practices of public science also played a role in this, which helped to make it more effective. She helped shape the image of the church as a relic of a "dark past" dominated by superstition and ignorance. In addition, despite all the fair claims to the methods of conducting anti-religious agitation, thanks to public science as its component, basic knowledge about exact and natural sciences, techno-optimism, and valuable information related to hygiene and health protection were promoted in society. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.5 93/94 public science anti-religious propaganda Soviet society history of leisure history of science https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.6/ 6_sidorchuk_i_v__75-88.pdf

RAR RUS 89-105 0009-0001-5005-3966 Saint Petersburg State University Korneva Valeriia museum_pspbgmu@mail.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

The Professionalization of Women Forensic Physicians in the Russian Empire: The Experience of the Women’s Medical Institute (1901–1917) Introduction. In the late nineteenth century, the Russian Empire faced an acute shortage of qualified medical personnel, which brought to the forefront the issue of establishing higher educational institutions for the training of women physicians. With the opening of the St. Petersburg Women’s Medical Institute in 1897 and the granting of women access to higher medical education, women became actively involved in the processes of professionalization and specialization within medical science in the Russian Empire. The study examines the participation of women physicians in the field of forensic medicine in the Russian Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Particular attention is paid to the Women’s Medical Institute – the largest institution for the training of women physicians – and to the careers of its graduates. Methods and Materials. The study applied the general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, and logical generalization, as well as the principles of historicism and objectivity and the historical-genetic method. The methodological framework is further informed by approaches from gender studies and the prosopographical method. The source base includes medical and forensic legislation of the Russian Empire, specialized medical periodicals, dissertation works by the first women physicians, and unpublished archival materials from the Central State Historical Archive of St. Petersburg and the Russian State Historical Archive. Results. Legal and regulatory acts governing the professional rights of women physicians are analyzed, together with the specific features of the teaching of forensic medicine at the Women’s Medical Institute. Drawing on the biographies of the first female forensic medical experts, A. M. Smyslova and M. M. Solunskova, the paper presents the results of research reconstructing the trajectories of the scientific and professional careers of women physicians in one of the most traditionally male-dominated fields of medicine. Conclusion. The study concludes that the combination of the institutionalization of forensic medicine within the Women’s Medical Institute and the relative flexibility of medical legislation created unique conditions in the Russian Empire for women’s entry into the forensic medical profession, despite the persistence of gender-based and legal restrictions. The results of this study may be of interest to scholars in the fields of the history of medicine, higher education, and law, as well as to specialists in gender history. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.6 93/94 women physicians women forensic physicians forensic medicine Women’s Medical Institute history of medicine medical education https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.7/ 7_korneva_v_a__89-105.pdf

RAR RUS 106-115 0000-0002-4663-8072 Saint Petersburg State University Bolgov Radomir rbolgov@yandex.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

Globalism and Sovereigntism in Multilateral International Negotiations (a Case of the United Nations Convention against Cybercrime) Introduction. As the cybercrime issue spreads globally, in the light of conflict dynamics between leading powers, states increasingly disagree on issues such as democracy, human rights, security, national interests, etc. The UN Convention against Cybercrime, initiated by Russia and signed in October 2025, is the first example of a global normative framework for information security. The purpose of this study is to identify mechanisms for achieving compromise in global cybercrime regulation, despite the opposing positions of the UN member states representing both liberal globalist and sovereigntist approaches. Methods and Materials. In the first stage, thematic coding of the transcripts of opening statements by UN member states was conducted. In the second stage, the text of the draft Convention was coded, followed by a search for markers specific to liberal globalism and sovereigntism, based on expert assessments by six faculty members of St. Petersburg State University. The objective was to determine whether certain key concepts relate to liberal globalism or sovereigntism. In the third stage, the texts of the discussions on the proposed amendments were examined. Results. The study revealed that during the discussions, no state joined the group of countries representing the opposite approach. Despite this, the normative ambiguity, by allowing for a broad interpretation of the document's provisions, helped avoid a clash of irreconcilable positions. The study also confirmed that influential actors tend to be much more visible and leave a greater discursive footprint, while countries whose radical positions lack significant international support often advocate for significant changes. Discussion and Conclusion. The approach proposed in this article can be adapted to various international negotiation situations to understand how states overcome differences and reach compromises. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.7 327 Political Discourse Debate International Negotiations United Nations Cybercrime https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.8/ 8_bolgov_r_v__106-115.pdf

RAR RUS 116-130 0009-0004-9745-9789 Sidorov Anatoliy Vip.SAA58@mail.ru 57207729980 0000-0002-6889-8924 North-West Institute of management (branch of the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration); Saint-Petersburg, Russia Kefeli Igor' geokefeli@mail.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

The Impact of the Special Military Operation on the State of Military-Technical Cooperation of the Russian Federation Introduction. The relevance of this research topic is related to the growing tensions in the system of international relations, which are bringing to the forefront security issues, the core of which is military power, and one of the tools for its expansion is military-technical cooperation between countries. The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of the special military operation in Ukraine on the state of military-technical cooperation between the Russian Federation. Achieving this goal raises a number of research questions: how has the combat experience of the special military operation in Ukraine influenced changes in the global arms market; what political and economic changes have occurred in the field of military-technical cooperation between the Russian Federation since February 2022; what challenges and threats does the system of military-technical cooperation with the Russian Federation currently face? Answers to these questions require an interdisciplinary analysis at the intersection of political, economic, and military science. Methods and materials. The study utilized general scientific research methods, as well as problem analysis, OSINT analysis, and SWOT analysis. The materials include theoretical papers examining issues of international, regional, and national security; analytical materials containing factual data on the geography, nomenclature, and cost of military-technical supplies verified by OSINT analysis; and research articles on contemporary armed conflicts in Eurasia.  Results. Combat experience during the special military operation revealed the widespread use of robotic platforms, high-precision weapons, and modern reconnaissance, communications, and control systems, including those based on artificial intelligence, and has affected the changing state of the global arms market. Significant growth in the global arms market and a decline in Russia's share are recorded; our country has lost its dominant position in traditional export markets; a transition to ad hoc military-technical cooperation driven by short-term political and military objectives; the increasing penetration of foreign arms manufacturers into the post-Soviet space; and a reduction in the number of Russian military products ready for export. A SWOT analysis was conducted to identify the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats of Russia's current military-technical cooperation. Conclusion. The study substantiates areas for the development of Russian military-technical cooperation in the current context. Future research prospects lie in an in-depth analysis of intercountry deliveries and the range of military products. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.8 351/864.5 military-technical cooperation special military operation weapons military equipment safety https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.9/ 9_sidorov_a_a__kefeli_i_f__116-130.pdf

RAR RUS 131-145 0000-0002-9511-8655 Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University Vovenda Aleksei vovenda_av@spbstu.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

0009-0001-0773-8118 Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University Yur Arseniy arseniy_yur@vk.com

Saint Petersburg, Russia

The Crisis of Regional Leadership in Latin America: Between Internal Fragmentation and External Pressure Introduction. This research provides a comprehensive analysis of the structural transformation of the regional leadership system in Latin America, in the context of increased global geopolitical instability. The purpose of the study is to identify the causes and manifestations of the crisis of regional leadership in Latin America, which was caused by the transformation of the role of key regional players such as Brazil and Argentina. The study examines internal factors such as fragmentation and disunity, external challenges, and possible ways to overcome the current situation. Materials and methods. The methodological framework includes a systematic and institutional approach, which allows us to assess the resource potential of candidate states for regional leadership and identify the reasons for their ability or inability to consolidate the region. The empirical basis of the study includes legal acts that regulate the activities of states within the framework of regional integration associations and organizations. Results. The study identifies how internal political crises and economic stagnation in the "middle powers" have led to the erosion of regional integration mechanisms such as UNASUR and MERCOSUR, creating a "power vacuum" in the region and paving the way for a transition from potential monocentrism to an unstable polycentric model. It is argued that the absence of a dominant regional power contributes to the fragmentation of Latin America, turning it into a field for intense competition among non-regional actors. The authors pay special attention to the "double dependency" dilemma faced by Latin American countries, which must balance between the ongoing military and political pressure from the United States and the rapid growth of China's economic presence. Discussion. The study theorizes the transition of the regional system from potential monocentrism to an unstable polycentric model. The authors predict that, in the short term, the struggle for leadership will shift away from ideological confrontation and towards a pragmatic pursuit of external investment, which will eventually lead to the consolidation of the regional security architecture and the reduction of Latin America's overall international influence. The future of regional leadership in Latin America depends in large part on the political will of the current generation of leaders to overcome their differences for the common good, and on the ability of institutions to translate that will into concrete action. In the context of the emerging new world order, this is a necessary condition for the region to take its rightful place in the new global architecture, rather than remaining an arena for foreign competition. Conclusion. The publication is of interest to experts and young scientists, as well as to anyone interested in contemporary global and regional studies. The study's findings provide recommendations for improving the effectiveness of existing integration models for regional and transregional cooperation between states, in which Russia actively participates. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.9 327,8 region regional leadership Latin America Brazil; Argentina CELAC MERCOSUR foreign policy integration https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.10/ 10_vovenda_a_v__yur_a_s__131-145.pdf

RAR RUS 146-157 0009-0009-3407-5004 Ural Federal University named after first president of Russia B.N. Yeltsin Zaryansky Sergey Zaryanskysergey@gmail.com

Ekaterinburg, Russia

The Significance of India in Foreign Policy of the European Union and Japan Introduction. In the context of the transformation of the modern international system and the intensification of competition in the Indo-Pacific region, the importance of searching for sustainable models of interaction between states is increasing. The relevance of the study is determined by Russia’s regional interests, the growing strategic role of India, the intensification of the policies of the EU and Japan in the Indo-Pacific region, as well as the insufficient examination of the issue of India’s place in their foreign policy concepts. The aim of the study is to identify the role of India in the strategies of the EU and Japan, as well as to assess the prospects for their alignment in the regional context. Materials and methods. The empirical base consists of official documents of the EU, Japan, and India, materials of international organizations, analytical publications, and scientific studies. The methodological basis is formed by a systems approach, comparative analysis, and elements of foresight analysis, which make it possible to identify key trends and forecast the development of strategic interaction between actors in the region. Results. It has been identified that India is one of the key partners of Japan in ensuring regional security and developing infrastructure connectivity in the Indo-Pacific region. India is also considered, from the EU’s perspective, to be a significant factor in the region’s energy and infrastructure transformation. Among the areas of convergence in the foreign policy discourses of Japan and the European Union, the following stand out: ensuring energy security and freedom of navigation in the region, as well as the development of infrastructure projects of macro-regional significance. Discussion. The analysis has shown that the approaches of the EU and Japan to interaction with India are complementary. Japan places emphasis on pragmatic and operational implementation of infrastructure projects and security issues, whereas the EU adheres to a normative-institutional model with priority on sustainable development and ESG standards. Conclusion. India acts as a key link between the strategies of the EU and Japan, contributing to the formation of a multipolar Indo-Pacific architecture. The prospects for cooperation are associated with deepening cooperation in infrastructure, energy, and digital spheres, as well as institutionalization of trilateral interaction, contributing to strengthening regional stability, sustainable development, and global significance. Additionally, the results may be used in developing foreign policy strategies and analytical assessment of regional integration and international cooperation processes, which are of interest to Russia during a global transformation of the world order. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.10 327.5+327.8 Indo-Pacific region the European Union Japan India regional connectivity multilateral cooperation Global Gateway https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.11/ 11_zaryanskiy_s_a__146-157.pdf

RAR RUS 158-173 000458979100066 57206727921 0000-0001-7280-6466 Peter the Great St.Petersburg Polytechnic University Bahturidze Zeinab bahtur_zz@spbstu.ru 23389974500 0000-0001-7545-6676 Institute of Oriental Studies by R.B. Suleimenova Kojirova Svetlana s.kozhirova@yandex.ru

Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan

The Formation of the Kazakh-Russian Border and the Evolution of its Perception in Kazakh Society Introduction. This study seeks to overcome a narrow institutional approach to border studies. Its goal is to identify the key stages and factors in the evolution of perceptions of the border with Russia in Kazakh society. The primary research question is how Kazakh society's perception of the state border has transformed over a long historical period, and what factors have shaped this transformation. In today's turbulent times, understanding the dynamics of border perception is essential for developing strategies for cross-border interaction. Limology is a rapidly developing interdisciplinary field, and the study of the mental perception of borders, rather than just their legal formalization, is in line with the global trend in identity studies. A key element of innovation is the shift in research perspective: while borders have traditionally been studied in legal and geopolitical terms, this article presents an attempt to conceptualize borders as a phenomenon of consciousness. Undoubtedly, the assertion that the modern border is simultaneously a “rigid barrier” (a symbol of sovereignty) and a “transparent bridge” (a resource for cooperation) is not new in itself, but the novelty of this work lies in its historical grounding of this duality. The authors demonstrate that “transparency” is not only the product of current agreements but also the result of centuries of coexistence, “historical capital”. This conclusion, in essence, leads to a new explanatory model in which the border is presented not as a static line, but as an evolving social construct. Methods and Materials. The methodology is based on an interdisciplinary synthesis that combines the historical-genetic method, the method of problem-chronological analysis of sources, the comparative method, discourse analysis and the actualization method. The empirical base consists of two complementary bodies of sources: official documents and sources reflecting social reception. This allows us to compare the border project “from above” with its perception and development “from below”. Results. Based on an analysis of eight chronological periods, a nonlinear evolution of border perception was reconstructed, represented by five key phases: from the conflict between the imperial "line" and the nomadic “area”, through adaptation, the nationalization of space, and the Soviet ideological paradox, to the contemporary post-Soviet synthesis. The periods represent the chronological level, while the phases represent the conceptual level, thus operating within the overall “event-meaning” nexus. The main conclusion is the identification of the unique dual status of the border in modern consciousness: it simultaneously functions as a rigid symbolic barrier to sovereignty and as a transparent resource bridge for cooperation. Conclusion. The study demonstrates that the Russian-Kazakh border is not only a geopolitical and legal phenomenon, but also a sociocultural one. The proposed model proves its effectiveness for a comprehensive analysis of borders, revealing them as the product of a dialogue between state projects and social practices. The established historical continuity and the established balance between barrier and contact functions explain the stability and functionality of one of the longest land borders in the world.   10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.11 327 Kazakh-Russian border evolution of ideas nation building limology border communities historical stages delimitation https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.12/ 12_bahturidze_z_z__kozhirova_s_b__158-173.pdf

RAR RUS 174-199 0009-0005-4535-1052 Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University Yilmaz Murathan jylmaz.m@edu.spbstu.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

0000-0002-3833-516X Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University Dziuba Elena dzyuba_ev@spbstu.ru

Saint Petersburg, Russia

Factors of Interstate Influence in Contemporary Competitive Conditions: Russia – Turkey – Kazakhstan Introduction. In the context of increasing turbulence in the international system, competition among states is acquiring a multidimensional character, encompassing political, economic, sociocultural, and humanitarian domains with the aim of expanding multilateral external influence. Within this framework, the relations of Russia and Turkey with Kazakhstan reflect the emergence of a competitive–cooperative model, in which states employ diverse instruments to consolidate their positions in both regional and global contexts. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan adopted a multi-vector foreign policy, enabling it to engage with a wide range of partners, including Russia and Turkey. However, each of these states relies on distinct mechanisms of influence in Central Asia in general, and in Kazakhstan in particular. The aim of this study is to identify the key factors of interstate influence under contemporary competitive conditions, drawing on the case of the current interactions between Russia and Turkey with Kazakhstan. Materials and Methods. The study employs general scientific methods, including the analysis and systematization of scholarly and regulatory–legal sources, as well as factual and statistical data and public sociopolitical narratives circulating in the media space. A method of comparative comprehensive analysis is applied to examine the strategies of Russia and Turkey with regard to their influence on Kazakhstan’s development. The research also utilizes discourse analysis, which makes it possible to consider, in a broader context, how Russia and Turkey construct their narratives in Kazakhstan and how information about one of the key Central Asian actors is communicated in the public sphere. An institutional approach is used to identify the role of international organizations and bilateral agreements in the implementation of the two states’ “soft power.” Finally, the method of generalization of the obtained results allows for the identification of key factors of interstate influence under contemporary competitive conditions. Results. The study identifies distinctive features and spheres of influence of Russia and Turkey in Kazakhstan during the post-Soviet period. Russia maintains its influence through the promotion of the Russian language, which holds official status in Kazakhstan; shared cultural ties rooted in the Soviet past; the widespread presence of Russian-language media; as well as investments and the implementation of large-scale infrastructure projects. Turkey, in contrast, prioritizes the development of joint universities and the establishment of cultural centers, along with youth-oriented initiatives, while only gradually extending its influence into the economic and investment domains. The findings also indicate a pattern of competitive engagement by both Russia and Turkey in Kazakhstan’s military sphere. The synthesis of the data allows for the systematization of key factors of interstate influence under contemporary competitive conditions, including demographic, institutional, cultural-linguistic, informational, investment-economic, infrastructural, educational, and socio-humanitarian, as well as military-political and military-technological factors. Conclusion. Kazakhstan is positioned at the center of competition between two powers, which directly affects its foreign policy and regional stability. Russia and Turkey employ different influence strategies: Russia relies on a shared Soviet legacy with Kazakhstan, whereas Turkey draws on Turkic identity and religious affinity. The interactions of Russia and Turkey with Kazakhstan demonstrate the effectiveness of both a comprehensive (multivector) and a multilateral approach to addressing the issue of interstate influence in contemporary competitive environments. 10.48612/rg/RGW.29.2.12 327 international relations factors of interstate influence multilateral interaction Russia – Turkey – Kazakhstan https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.36.13/ 13_yilmaz_m__dzyuba_e_v__174-199.pdf