<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?>
<journal>
  <titleid/>
  <issn>2304-9472; e-ISSN: 2949-3501</issn>
  <journalInfo lang="ENG">
    <title>Russia in the Global World</title>
  </journalInfo>
  <issue>
    <volume>29</volume>
    <number>1</number>
    <altNumber> </altNumber>
    <dateUni>2026</dateUni>
    <pages>1-218</pages>
    <articles>
      <article>
        <artType>EDI</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>7-8</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <researcherid>K6222-2015</researcherid>
              <scopusid>57214122830</scopusid>
              <orcid>0000-0003-3547-3644</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, North-Western Institute of Management</orgName>
              <surname>Baranov</surname>
              <initials>Nikolay</initials>
              <email>nicbar@mail.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">A Message from the Editorial Team</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">A Message from the Editorial Team</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes/>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>A Message from the Editorial Team</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.1/</furl>
          <file>0__baranov_n_a__7-8.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>9-25</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <researcherid>000458979100066</researcherid>
              <scopusid>57206727921</scopusid>
              <orcid>0000-0001-7280-6466</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great St.Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Bahturidze</surname>
              <initials>Zeinab</initials>
              <email>bahtur_zz@spbstu.ru</email>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes>
              <researcherid>K6222-2015</researcherid>
              <scopusid>57214122830</scopusid>
              <orcid>0000-0003-3547-3644</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, North-Western Institute of Management</orgName>
              <surname>Baranov</surname>
              <initials>Nikolay</initials>
              <email>nicbar@mail.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">The Phenomenon of Artificial Intelligence in the Context  of Modern International Processes</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. Artificial intelligence is rapidly penetrating various spheres of life, significantly impacting the economy, politics, and society. This requires understanding these new realities and developing appropriate approaches to managing international processes. The relevance of this topic stems from new forms of interaction between states and non-state actors, changes in traditional decision-making models, and the emergence of new challenges and threats associated with the military use of artificial intelligence, cybercrime, and information warfare. The goal of this study is to identify key trends in the application of artificial intelligence technologies in international practice, which have a decisive impact on international relations. Therefore, the subject of this study is the phenomenon of artificial intelligence, examined in the context of its impact on contemporary international processes, including diplomatic activity, information warfare, the emergence of new threats and opportunities in defense and security, the development of state digital sovereignty, and international cooperation.&#13;
Methods and materials. The study used content analysis of official documents, formal-logical analysis, case studies, discourse analysis of the media and official texts, as well as the concept of actorhood in international relations.&#13;
Results. The study revealed that artificial intelligence is becoming a full-fledged participant in the system of international relations, gradually acquiring subjectivity. It is actively used in diplomacy, influencing the nature of war, redefining the concept of sovereignty, and creating new instruments of geopolitical influence. To minimize risks, the global community needs to establish common ethical and legal norms for the use of artificial intelligence. However, disagreements between countries leading to the development of artificial intelligence technologies are an obstacle to common agreement.&#13;
Discussion and Conclusions. The findings were used to develop practical recommendations for states and international organizations, as well as for international multilateral cooperation in the field of artificial intelligence. The main recommendation emerging from the study is the need to shift from reactive to proactive and preventative management of the transformation brought about by artificial intelligence.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.1</doi>
          <udk>327</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>actorhood</keyword>
            <keyword>international relations</keyword>
            <keyword>generative artificial intelligence</keyword>
            <keyword>AI diplomacy</keyword>
            <keyword>information warfare</keyword>
            <keyword>network platforms</keyword>
            <keyword>digital sovereignty</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.2/</furl>
          <file>1__bahturidze_z_z__baranov_n_a__9-25.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>26-47</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-6674-0357</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Saint Petersburg State University</orgName>
              <surname>Veselova</surname>
              <initials>Darya</initials>
              <email>daria-voronchikhina@mail.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">The Corporate Social and Environmental Responsibility Ratings for the Largest Russian Arctic Companies</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. The large mining companies are actively engaged in economic activities in the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation in connection with the declared course for the socio-economic development of the territories. Such activities may have negative consequences for the environment and local populations. Therefore, the corporate social and environmental responsibility policy of such companies is becoming increasingly popular. There are various ratings to measure it, the results of which are sometimes contradictory. The scientific problem and relevance of the chosen topic are presented by the reasons for the contradictory results of a comparative analysis of data of authoritative Russian ratings of twenty companies operating in the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation for the last years. The novelty of the work lies in the development of recommendations for improving rating methods.&#13;
Methods and materials. The study used document analysis, comparative analysis, case-study, generalization and synthesis. The empirical base is represented by by-laws of the Russian Federation, company reports, data from the websites of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, rating agencies and the considered companies.&#13;
Results. The corporate social and environmental responsibility activities of a number of Arctic companies were analyzed based on information from company websites and published sustainability reports. The reasons for the discrepancies in the rating results have been identified; they lie in the differences in the methods used to analyze and evaluate the indicators of corporate social and environmental responsibility of Arctic companies. Recommendations for improving the methods of the reviewed ratings have been developed.&#13;
Discussion and Conclusions. The obtained results allow us to conclude that a comprehensive picture of the ranking of companies based on their policies in the area of corporate social and environmental responsibility hasn't been formed. The ratings take into account different criteria and don't take into account many unique to the Arctic indicators, so resulting in inconsistencies in company assessments, which leads to a lack of confidence in the ratings results. We think that developing a new rating of Russian Arctic companies based on the proposed recommendations will help resolve this problem.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.2</doi>
          <udk>338.2</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>corporate social and environmental responsibility</keyword>
            <keyword>the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation</keyword>
            <keyword>Arctic companies</keyword>
            <keyword>ratings</keyword>
            <keyword>rating methods</keyword>
            <keyword>company assessment</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.3/</furl>
          <file>2__veselova_d_n__26-47.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>48-75</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0003-1135-7470</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Dumlupinar University</orgName>
              <surname>Gok</surname>
              <initials>Omer</initials>
              <email>omer.gok1@ogr.dpu.edu.tr</email>
              <address>Kütahya, Republic of Türkiye</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-6248-4317</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Dumlupinar University</orgName>
              <surname>Unal</surname>
              <initials>Seyfettin</initials>
              <email>seyfettin.unal@dpu.edu.tr</email>
              <address>Kütahya, Republic of Türkiye</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">The Interaction of the Nocebo Effect and Financial Vulnerability: A Theoretical and Empirical Reassessment of the Monetary Policy Transmission Mechanism</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. This study examines how persistent public pessimism (the nocebo effect) and financial vulnerability jointly weaken the monetary policy transmission mechanism in the post-crisis environment that emerged after the 2008 global financial crisis and the COVID-19 shock, using a comparative perspective for Japan, Finland, Russia, and Turkey. To address this question, we integrate an expectations-based New Keynesian framework with stock–flow-consistent (SFC) balance-sheet logic so that the expectations channel and the balance-sheet channel can be analyzed within a single framework. We model the nocebo effect as a time-varying pessimistic bias in expectations.&#13;
Methods and materials. Empirically, we construct a country-specific textual nocebo index based on central bank communications, official reports, and major economic and financial news, and we estimate its interaction with financial vulnerability indicators using TVP-VAR (time-varying parameter vector autoregression) models and local projections.&#13;
Results. The results show that when both the nocebo index and vulnerability indicators are simultaneously high, the responses of output and inflation to monetary policy shocks are substantially dampened and, in some episodes, become statistically indistinguishable from zero, indicating systematic breakdowns in the standard interest-rate, credit, and exchange-rate channels of transmission.&#13;
Discussion and Conclusion. These findings imply that ensuring economic and financial security requires joint monitoring of financial vulnerability indicators and behavioral measures of expectations when setting monetary policy parameters. In this context, central bank communication should be treated as a policy instrument comparable to interest-rate decisions and balance-sheet policies, because it can reduce public pessimism and thereby partially lift the “curtain of expectations”.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.3</doi>
          <udk>329</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>nocebo effect</keyword>
            <keyword>monetary policy transmission mechanism</keyword>
            <keyword>financial vulnerability</keyword>
            <keyword>economic and financial security</keyword>
            <keyword>foreign currency debt</keyword>
            <keyword>TVP-VAR</keyword>
            <keyword>local projections</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.4/</furl>
          <file>3__gok_o__unal_s__48-75.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>76-89</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-9511-8655</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Vovenda</surname>
              <initials>Aleksei</initials>
              <email>vovenda_av@spbstu.ru </email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0009-0008-5491-3557</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Chernov</surname>
              <initials>Vitalii</initials>
              <email>chernov.vo@edu.spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">The Impact of Digital Platforms on Civic Engagement: The Case of Decide Madrid</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. The article characterizes the Decide Madrid digital platform as a tool for implementing the principles of participatory and digital democracy at the municipal level. The purpose of the study is to determine the role of the platform in the development of civic participation and in the formation of mechanisms of interaction between the population and local authorities. The article examines the features of digital forms of citizen involvement in decision-making processes, as well as barriers related to digital inequality and the level of trust in electronic tools of democracy.&#13;
Materials and methods. The empirical base of the study includes legal acts regulating the activities of Decide Madrid and open data platforms. The methodological framework includes systemic and institutional approaches that make it possible to consider the platform as an element of the political system of municipal government. Methods of statistical processing of user activity data were used for the analysis.&#13;
Results. The conducted research allowed to identify the specifics and functionality of the Decide Madrid platform in promoting civic initiatives, public consultations and initiative budgeting. It was concluded that the Decide Madrid platform has a dual role in the development of civic activity. On the one hand, its implementation was a direct response to the demand of the society to ensure transparency and inclusivity of governance. The platform institutionalized new digital channels of interaction between citizens and municipal authorities, providing tools for direct participation in legislative consultations, project proposals and initiative budgeting. On the other hand, the effectiveness of the Decide Madrid platform as a tool for participatory democracy remains limited. Based on statistical analysis of user activity on the platform, a consistently low but stable level of participation has been noted, amounting to approximately 2–3% of the adult population of the city. The following key problems have been identified: a high threshold for supporting initiatives, the duration of their implementation, the lack of feedback from authors, and the low involvement of young people and people over 65.&#13;
Conclusion. The article concludes that the Decide Madrid has played a significant role in the institutionalization of new forms of interaction between government and society and has contributed to the overall growth of civic engagement in Madrid. The publication is of interest to experts and young scientists studying the principles of participatory and digital democracy, as well as the specifics of modern digitalization processes and effective municipal management. The data obtained allow to develop recommendations for digital decision-making for civic participation and introducing effective mechanisms for interaction between the public and government bodies at the federal and regional levels in Russia. The findings also help to identify prospects for implementing similar digital platforms to engage citizens in decision making processes at the municipal level in the regions of Russian in the context of current digitalization trends.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.4</doi>
          <udk>328.18</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>digital democracy</keyword>
            <keyword>participatory democracy</keyword>
            <keyword>civic engagement</keyword>
            <keyword>digital platforms</keyword>
            <keyword>municipal governance</keyword>
            <keyword>participatory budgeting</keyword>
            <keyword>Decide Madrid</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.5/</furl>
          <file>4__vovenda_a_v__chernov_v_o__76-89.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>90-101</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0003-2977-7262</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Boldyreva</surname>
              <initials>Elena</initials>
              <email>boldyreva_el@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Nelga</surname>
              <initials>Anna</initials>
              <email>nelga.aa@edu.spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">“Pirate Parties” as a Response to State Regulation in the Digital Area</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. Since the early 2010s, public administration has undergone significant transformations driven by the introduction and development of digital technologies and the rapid expansion of e-government. The internet has become an integral part of the lives of millions of people, providing citizens with unique opportunities to participate in discussions of public issues, submit petitions, and access government services online. The relevance of this topic is determined by the growing role of the internet as a means of two-way communication between citizens and the government, the transformation of traditional political institutions, and the emergence of a new type of political association – internet parties. The aim of this study is to identify the functioning and influence of internet parties on political life, as well as their role in shaping a democratic digital space.&#13;
Materials and Methods. The information base includes scientific publications, legislative documents, analytical reports, and examples of internet party activity, particularly “pirate” ones. Methodologically, the study relies on comparative analysis, a systems approach, and discourse analysis, enabling the study of mechanisms for citizen engagement in digital political activity and an assessment of the benefits and challenges of new political formats.&#13;
Results. The study examines the principal advantages of Internet parties, encompassing their high accessibility, ease of engagement in the political process, options for anonymous expression of opinions, reduction of state pressure, and assurance of political autonomy. Particular emphasis is placed on Pirate Parties as a paradigmatic example of innovative formats for political mobilization within the digital environment. Fundamental factors shaping the dynamics of electoral support for such entities have been identified. The findings indicate that Internet parties introduce pioneering mechanisms of civic engagement in public policy, thereby fostering a more transparent and democratized digital public sphere. Furthermore, the evolutionary prospects of these parties are explored, along with their potential to expand civic participation and enhance the accountability of state institutions.&#13;
Conclusion. The development of online parties is contributing to the transformation of the traditional political landscape and the creation of innovative forms of interaction between citizens and the state in the digital age, which is undoubtedly important for contemporary Russian realities. The findings may be useful for political scientists, specialists in digital policy, and public administration.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.5</doi>
          <udk>327+369.032</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>Pirate parties</keyword>
            <keyword>public administration</keyword>
            <keyword>Iceland</keyword>
            <keyword>Czech Republic</keyword>
            <keyword>Internet</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.6/</furl>
          <file>5__boldireva_e_l__nelga_a_a__90-101.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>102-117</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-2451-1716</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University named after B.N. Yeltsin</orgName>
              <surname>Utkin</surname>
              <initials>Dmitriy</initials>
              <email>d.v.utkin@krsu.kg</email>
              <address>Bishkek, Kyrgyz Republic</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">The Central Asian Region as an Object of Digital Colonization</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. Digital transformation has become one of the key factors reshaping global politics and international relations. The development of information and communication technologies has led to the emergence of new forms of global influence, within which control over digital infrastructure and data acquires strategic significance. Under these conditions, the dependence of developing states on external technological actors is increasing. For the countries of Central Asia, digitalization simultaneously serves as a tool for the modernization of national digital infrastructure and as a source of new geopolitical risks associated with the erosion of elements of digital sovereignty.&#13;
Methods and materials. The theoretical and methodological framework draws on conceptual principles of post-industrial society theory, the concept of "cyberpower," and the network society, based on the works of E. Toffler, J. Nye, and M. Castells. The study utilizes general scientific and political methods, including systems and geopolitical analysis, to evaluate materials that allow for an assessment of the role of states and transnational technology corporations in the region's digital transformation.&#13;
Results. It has been found that the digital infrastructure of Central Asian countries is being shaped with the dominant involvement of foreign technology corporations, which leads to institutional and political dependence in the sphere of digital governance and contributes to the erosion of digital sovereignty.&#13;
Conclusion. Digital dependence in Central Asia reproduces asymmetric patterns of influence characteristic of emerging forms of geopolitical dominance, conceptualized within the framework of digital colonialism. In the absence of the development of domestic technological capabilities and a coordinated regional strategy, digitalization increases state vulnerability and undermines strategic autonomy in the international arena.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.6</doi>
          <udk>327.8</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>digital colonialism</keyword>
            <keyword>digital transformation</keyword>
            <keyword>technology corporations</keyword>
            <keyword>digital infrastructure</keyword>
            <keyword>digital sovereignty</keyword>
            <keyword>non-state actors</keyword>
            <keyword>Central Asia</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.7/</furl>
          <file>6__utkin_d_v__102-117.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>118-139</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-4089-7962</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Saint Petersburg State University</orgName>
              <surname>Lanko</surname>
              <initials>Dmitry</initials>
              <email>d.lanko@spbu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Marquis de Condorcet Goes to Eurasia: Making Decisions by Qualified Majority Voting in Supranational Integration Unions</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. The article contrasts the Eurasian Economic Union, an integration union with only five member states, to the European Union, which has twenty-seven member states. The aims of research at presenting the model obtained as a result of a study of the impact of the growth in the number of countries participating in an integration union on the decision-making process in it. It notes that the European Union tends to increase the number of policy areas that allow making decisions by qualified majority voting in the European Council. In the Eurasian Economic Union, qualified majority voting is only allowed in the Collegium of the Eurasian Economic Commission, and even there the number of policy areas that allow qualified majority voting tends to decline.&#13;
Methods and material. The article combines the methodological models traditionally used as means of explanation of the Condorcet paradox with those that emerged out of the game theory. The empirical basis of the article consists of documents of the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union, which allows constructing models of decision-making processes in these two supranational integration unions.&#13;
Results. The research model presented in the article allows concluding that enlargement of integration unions also makes outcomes of (qualified majority) voting more dependent on voting procedure in the situation when none of possible voting procedures is ideal. The article demonstrates that the difference in the tendencies of decision-making is caused by the difference in the number of member states: enlargement in terms of the number of member states makes integration unions increase the number of policy areas allowing making decisions by qualified majority voting.&#13;
Discussion and Conclusions. The results of the study are paradoxical: on one hand, the more member states an integration union has, the more it tends to increase the number of policy areas allowing decision-making by qualified majority voting. On other hand, the more member states it has, the more outcomes of the qualified majority voting tend to depend on the voting procedure. That paradox justifies introduction of the concept of minilateral integration unions to indicate those such unions that have only few member states. The article concludes that such integration unions require models of analysis that were different from those applied when analyzing integration unions that have multiple member states.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.7</doi>
          <udk>327,7</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>integration unions</keyword>
            <keyword>decision-making</keyword>
            <keyword>consensus</keyword>
            <keyword>qualified majority vote</keyword>
            <keyword>Condorcet paradox</keyword>
            <keyword>minilateralism</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.8/</furl>
          <file>7__lanko_d_a__118-139.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>140-155</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-9848-0035</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Saint Petersburg State University</orgName>
              <surname>Konovalova-Alkhimenkova</surname>
              <initials>Kseniya</initials>
              <email>k.konovalova@spbu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0009-0009-4781-6625</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <surname>Diakova</surname>
              <initials>Valentina</initials>
              <email>dyakova.vale@yandex.ru</email>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Economic Relations between Russia and Paraguay After 2022: Trends and Prospects</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. The research is dedicated to the current state and prospects for the development of Russia-Paraguay foreign economic relations in the context of a changing international architecture – after 2022, the start of special military operation (SMO) and the deepening of the Russia's systemic crisis in its relations with Western countries). The relevance of the study stems from the need to diversify Russia's trade and economic partners amid growing sanctions pressure. Under current circumstances, Latin American and Caribbean countries have become a sought-after destination for Russian officials and businesses involved in foreign trade.&#13;
Methods and Materials. The study draws on statistical and empirical data reflecting the content and dynamics of trade and investment interactions between the Russian Federation and Paraguay. The authors rely, firstly, on a systems approach, which allows them to present economic cooperation as a holistic process influenced by internal, external, and international structural constraints. Secondly, they employ a retrospective historical method, which is necessary to reveal the dynamics of Russian-Paraguayan relations from the 2010s, when they were growing, to the early 2020s, when tensions between Russia and the West created obstacles. Third, statistical analysis and SWOT analysis methods were used to determine the structure and dynamics of mutual trade, as well as the strengths and weaknesses, challenges, and opportunities for economic cooperation between the two countries. The authors also calculated international trade indices for Russia and Paraguay to ensure the validity of their findings.&#13;
Results. The study revealed that Russia's trade turnover with Paraguay has been steadily declining over the past 10 years, and the diversification of their product mix is low. Despite initial hopes, the countries have also failed to make progress in investment cooperation. On the other hand, despite existing limitations, the Russian-Paraguayan economic partnership possesses significant untapped potential, the realization of which, however, is very limited without institutional and political coordination.&#13;
Discussion and Conclusion. The findings are clearly practical in nature and can be useful for forecasting the development of Russian-Paraguayan economic relations and understanding their objective limits and potential.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.8</doi>
          <udk>327/339.9</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>trade</keyword>
            <keyword>investment</keyword>
            <keyword>export</keyword>
            <keyword>import</keyword>
            <keyword>Russia</keyword>
            <keyword>Paraguay</keyword>
            <keyword>Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC)</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.9/</furl>
          <file>8__konovalova-alhimenkova_k_a__dyakova_v_v__140-155.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>156-171</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-6995-0173</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Far Eastern Federal University</orgName>
              <surname>Pecheritsa</surname>
              <initials>Vladimir</initials>
              <email>pecheritsa.vf@dvfu.ru</email>
              <address>Vladivostok, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Experts' Thoughts on Establishing a Military-Political Alliance between Russia and China</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. The relationship between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China is a crucial factor in contemporary international relations. Currently, their nature indicates that their strategic partnership is evolving to a new level. The research problem in our study is related to the contradiction between the need to deepen military-political integration between Russia and China and the threat of escalating conflict with the West. The purpose is to determine the state position of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China regarding the prospects and feasibility of shaping an official military alliance between Moscow and Beijing.&#13;
Methods and Materials. The research utilizes methods common in political science, including comparative analysis, forecasting, to examine the multifaceted cooperation between Russia and China, addressing the need for an alliance between the two states and the likelihood of various options. Official documents, speeches by heads of state, and scholarly publications by Russian and Chinese analysts served as the primary research base.&#13;
Results. The possibilities for further development of the strategic partnership between Russia and China were analyzed, and future avenues for cooperation were identified. The potential for a military-political alliance between the two countries was explored. Cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China is developing comprehensively and fully aligns with the national interests of both countries. Analysis of discussions between Russian and Chinese experts points to the possibility of a military-political alliance in case of the aggressive policies of the United States and its allies toward Russia and China continue.&#13;
Discussion and Conclusion. The Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China remain staunch supporters of their strategic partnership, demonstrating close unity of action. In response to growing threats from the United States and its allies, our countries are pursuing a balanced policy to protect peace. An analysis of government documents, speeches by Russian and Chinese leaders, and a review and comparison of the positions of Russian and Chinese analysts demonstrate the potential for a constructive vision of the future of relations between Russia and China.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.9</doi>
          <udk>327</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>external policy</keyword>
            <keyword>strategic partnership</keyword>
            <keyword>military-political alliance</keyword>
            <keyword>Russia</keyword>
            <keyword>China</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.10/</furl>
          <file>9__pecheritsa_v_f__156-171.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>172-185</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0009-0003-6128-3796</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Saint Petersburg State University</orgName>
              <surname>Wang</surname>
              <initials>Huiru</initials>
              <email>st094698@student.spbu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Theoretical Origins of the Concept “Community with a Shared Future for Mankind”</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. The relevance of this topic is characterized by the importance of developing Xi Jinping's concept of a "Community with a Shared Future for Mankind" for the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. This study aims to analyze the theoretical sources of this idea, which are rooted in the traditional cultural attitudes of the Chinese nation. The research objectives were to systematize the stages of the development of Chinese foreign policy thought from ancient times to the present day and update the ideas of the concept of a "Community with a Shared Future for Mankind" for the achievement of SDG 30.&#13;
Methods and Materials. The research materials include official documents such as Chinese government reports, speeches, international treaties and agreements, as well as monographs by renowned scholars, scientific articles, and dissertations. This article is based on the principle of historicism, which allows for an examination of the research subject in its development, considering the various conditions of its formation and its current status.&#13;
Results. The author concludes that Xi Jinping's concept is the result of a systematization of Chinese foreign policy thought from ancient times to the present day: from the principles of "the unity of Heaven and man" and "harmony of all states" to modern diplomatic ideas. The analysis confirms that the strategic foreign policy concept of a "Community with a Shared Future for Mankind" defines China's diplomatic priorities in contemporary global politics.&#13;
Discussion and Conclusion. The " Community with A Shared Future for Mankind " concepts represent an integrated program of systemic world management by China, prompted by the demands of the era. Based on the foregoing, it can be concluded that Xi’s ideas are rooted in traditional Chinese culture and wisdom of governance, and in the new era, the concept inherited and developed ancient Chinese philosophical culture, including the foreign policy concepts of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Hu Jintao, and other leaders of the Chinese Communist Party. Foreign policy ideas follow the tradition of succession, reflect China’s approach as a great power that is peace-oriented and pro-peace and development, which gradually strengthens China’s influence on a global scale.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.10</doi>
          <udk>327</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>Xi Jinping</keyword>
            <keyword>diplomacy</keyword>
            <keyword>China</keyword>
            <keyword>Community with a Shared Future for Mankind</keyword>
            <keyword>traditional Chinese culture</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.11/</furl>
          <file>10__van_hueyzhu_172-185.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>186-202</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0009-0002-2340-8693</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Chechevichkin</surname>
              <initials>Alexey</initials>
              <email>chechevichkin_av@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">The History of Russian Grenade Manufacturing in the Early 20th Century: A New Find from Kronstadt</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Introduction. The study of the history of Russian grenade manufacturing, combined with the exhibition of researched specimens in museums and the provision of opportunities to create their replicas (for example, for subsequent use in historical films and reenactments), contributes to the popularization of Russia's military-technical heritage. The objective of this study is to describe a new find – a hand grenade of previously unknown design – and to determine its place within the overall history of hand grenade development in Russia. The relevance of this research is determined by the fact that examining early 20th century hand grenades and drawing comparative analogies provides insight into the evolution of military-engineering thought among Russian engineers in what was then an emerging field of military technology.&#13;
Methods and materials. This study was prompted by a discovery made in 2020 in Kronstadt, near one of the abandoned artillery laboratories. Approximately one thousand identical grenades were found in total, a small portion of which were in good condition. None of the discovered grenades contained explosive fillers, representing ready-made safe mock-ups. Literary sources from the early 20th century and contemporary scholarly works in the relevant field were examined. The research is grounded in general scientific methods and specialized historical methods (typological and historical-comparative).&#13;
Results and Discussion. Morphological and technical analysis of the grenade under study revealed its probable manufacturing technology, operational mechanism, and most likely origin. A date range of 1906–1914 has been proposed. It has been established that this new historical source can be considered a previously unknown link in the chain of designs illustrating the evolution of engineering thought from the 1904 N. S. Lishin’s grenade to the 1914 V. F. Stender‘s grenade; the object itself may be designated the «Lishin’s Hand Grenade Mk. II».&#13;
Conclusion. The results of this work will enable future researchers to correctly identify archival records concerning the production, testing, and use of the studied grenade. Furthermore, they will allow a broad readership to become acquainted with the unconventional design of an early 20th century Russian hand grenade.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.11</doi>
          <udk>94.100+358.23</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>First World War</keyword>
            <keyword>Russo-Japanese War</keyword>
            <keyword>engineering troops</keyword>
            <keyword>engineering department</keyword>
            <keyword>impact grenade</keyword>
            <keyword>pyroxylin block</keyword>
            <keyword>grenade manufacturing</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.12/</furl>
          <file>11__chechevichkin_a_v__186-202(1).pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>CNF</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>203-212</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-4663-8072</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Saint Petersburg State University</orgName>
              <surname>Bolgov</surname>
              <initials>Radomir</initials>
              <email>rbolgov@yandex.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0001-6522-7095</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Sociological Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences – a branch of the Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences</orgName>
              <surname>Braslavsky</surname>
              <initials>Ruslan</initials>
              <email>r.braslavsky@socinst.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="003">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-4825-2640</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Sociological Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences – a branch of the Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences</orgName>
              <surname>Kozlovskiy</surname>
              <initials>Vladimir</initials>
              <email>v.kozlovskiy@socinst.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="004">
            <authorCodes>
              <scopusid>6603404917</scopusid>
              <orcid>0000-0002-0095-8986</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Pogodin</surname>
              <initials>Sergey</initials>
              <email>pogodin_sn@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="005">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0001-7492-356X</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Tsyb</surname>
              <initials>Alexey</initials>
              <email>tsyb_av@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Topical Issues in Political Geography: New Trends and Research Prospects (Conference, St. Petersburg, December 19–20, 2025)</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">This review article, summarizing the results of the 7th International Conference “Topical Issues of International Political Geography” (TIPG-2025) (St. Petersburg, December 19-20, 2025), reveals the main topics of conference. This event discussed the main problems of contemporary political geography, sociology, and international relations. TIPG-2025 became a platform for discussion and collaboration between scholars and experts in the fields of political geography, geopolitics, urban studies, demography, sociology and social anthropology, migration policy, natural resources, international organizations, regional integration, and other related fields of research. The conference opened with a plenary session, during which three keynote speakers, who are regular participants of the conference, have delivered their addresses. The program of TIPG 2025 was organized around the following thematic sections: “Ideologies of Regionalism and Globalization in Historical Context. Philosophy of Politics”, “Global South and the World Majority”, “International Relations in the Post-Soviet Space”, “Digital Political Geography”, “Geography of Culture, Education and Tourism”, “Migration and Socio-Demographic Processes”, and “Polar Studies”. The conference concluded with a plenary session, at which participants discussed future directions for the conference and other organizational issues”. The conference brought together 139 authors from universities and research organizations in India, China, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, Russia, Turkey, and South Korea. The uniqueness of this event lies in its diversity and independence of assessments, facilitating understanding of trends such as multipolarity and multilateralism, regional integration and the growing role of sovereign states, as well as the digitalization of international relations.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.29.1.12</doi>
          <udk>327</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>political geography</keyword>
            <keyword>geopolitics</keyword>
            <keyword>BRICS</keyword>
            <keyword>Global South</keyword>
            <keyword>migration policy</keyword>
            <keyword>international relations</keyword>
            <keyword>cultural policy</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2026.35.13/</furl>
          <file>12__bolgov_r_v__i_dr__203-212.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
    </articles>
  </issue>
</journal>
