<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?>
<journal>
  <titleid/>
  <issn>2304-9472; e-ISSN: 2949-3501</issn>
  <journalInfo lang="ENG">
    <title>Russia in the Global World</title>
  </journalInfo>
  <issue>
    <volume>27</volume>
    <number>4</number>
    <altNumber> </altNumber>
    <dateUni>2024</dateUni>
    <pages>1-255</pages>
    <articles>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>7-24</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>City University of Macau</orgName>
              <surname>Liu</surname>
              <initials>Qinfangzi</initials>
              <address>Macao SAR, China</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes>
              <scopusid>57487106000</scopusid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Shenzhen University, China</orgName>
              <surname>LI</surname>
              <initials>Jingcheng</initials>
              <email>jc.li@szu.edu.cn</email>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Connectivity and Challenges: Analyzing the China-Mozambique Partnership in the Global South</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1975, China has been an important contributor to Mozambique's progress. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) have strengthened strategic cooperation and economic ties between the two countries in a number of areas, such as infrastructure, energy, and agriculture. Important infrastructure projects and advancements in the mining and energy sectors have improved Mozambique's connectivity and ability to export resources. However, this collaboration also faces challenges, such as problems with transparency, governance, cultural disparities, and competition from Western nations, which have prevented it from reaching its full potential. This article explores the complex connection between China and Mozambique by emphasizing the political, economic, and historical factors that have influenced their collaboration. The findings highlight how crucial it is to adapt cooperative tactics in order to address issues in China-Mozambique cooperation, promote mutual gain, and promote sustainable development. The article also looks at potential future cooperation areas, especially in digital transformation and green energy, and offers ideas for how Mozambique might gain from China's expertise while strengthening local capabilities. As an indispensable player in South-South cooperation, Mozambique has the potential to establish itself as a key actor in regional stability and economic integration by participating in Global South frameworks. The China-Mozambique cooperation offers insights into how these collaborations might change to accommodate the evolving needs of developing countries, thus adds to the conversation on international relations in the Global South.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.1</doi>
          <udk>327</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>Mozambique; China; Global South; multilateral cooperation; global affairs</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.1/</furl>
          <file>1_-Lyu-Tsinfantszi%2C-Li-Tszinchen-7-24(2).pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>25-45</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>https://orcid.org/0009-0009-3407-5004</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Ural Federal University named after first president of Russia B.N. Yeltsin</orgName>
              <surname>Zaryansky</surname>
              <initials>Sergey</initials>
              <email>Zaryanskysergey@gmail.com</email>
              <address>Ekaterinburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Indo-Pacific Asia in the Foreign Policy of Japan in the XXI Century</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">This paper examines the role of the Indo-Pacific region in contemporary foreign policy of Japan and analyses the process of development and changes in foreign policy doctrine ща Japan in the Indo-Pacific. The relevance of this topic is conditioned both by the Russian Federation's interest in developing relations with Asian and Indo-Pacific countries and international political processes occurring in the region and influencing both within and outside the region.  The research is based on the systemic approach, the concepts of neofunctionalism and structural interdependence, and partially uses the ‘foresight’ methodology to correctly anticipate potential changes in the object under study.  The research novelty lies in the introduction of new research materials on topics related to Japan's foreign policy, as well as in the identification of vectors for further development of Japan's strategy in the Indo-Pacific. The study reveals that the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) concept is a key vector of Japan's foreign policy aimed at strengthening and expanding its influence in the region. It represents a multilateral foreign policy approach that includes developing cooperation with various countries and regional organizations, strengthening trade ties and cultural exchange, and promoting common values and standards. Aimed at creating a zone of security, stability and economic prosperity in the region, the Free and Open Indo-Pacific concept reflects Japan's long-term strategy to maintain a favorable regional world order. The research indicates that FOIP based on the use of available foreign policy instruments such as bilateral and multilateral agreements, forums and dialogue formats, and minilateral agreements with a small number of regional actors to find mutually beneficial solutions to contemporary challenges, including cases when partner states' interests have significant divergence.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.2</doi>
          <udk>327.5 + 327.8</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>Indo-Pacific; Regional Development of Asia; Interregional Cooperation; India; ASEAN; China; EU; FOIP</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.2/</furl>
          <file>2_-Zaryanskiy-S_A_-25-45.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>46-64</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <scopusid>23389974500</scopusid>
              <orcid>0000-0001-7545-6676</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Institute of Oriental Studies by R.B. Suleimenova</orgName>
              <surname>Kojirova</surname>
              <initials>Svetlana</initials>
              <email>s.kozhirova@yandex.ru</email>
              <address>Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7068-0185</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <surname>Nechai</surname>
              <initials>Aleksandra</initials>
              <email>alimova_aa@spbstu.ru</email>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">The Causes of USA–China Trade War</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">The United States and the People's Republic of China are global economic powers whose trade relationship has a significant impact on the world economy. Trade between the United States and the People's Republic of China has increased significantly since the reform and opening-up policy initiated by Deng Xiaoping in 1978. With the PRC's accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001, trade growth between the countries has increased. The US and the PRC became the most important trading partners, but the prevalence of Chinese imports over exports raised serious concerns from Washington, imposing additional duties on Chinese goods was a major point of Donald Trump's presidential election campaign in 2016. The trade conflict with China was initiated by the US in 2017-2018 when the US increased trade duties on products imported by China.  The purpose of this study is to analyze the causes of the trade war between the US and the PRC. The work aims to identify the key factors that provoked the economic confrontation, as well as to determine the nature of this economic conflict. Particular attention is paid to the strategic and economic policy of the Donald Trump administration, the imposition of tariffs and sanctions against the PRC, as well as accusations against China regarding intellectual property theft and unfair competition. The Chinese position in this conflict is presented through the analysis of official documents and publications, including the White Paper of the Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China and the publications of Renmin Ribao. The findings demonstrate that the trade war may be partly motivated by the struggle for global status, not only economic but also political. The US and China are seeking to assert themselves as global leaders, and this conflict goes beyond economic issues to issues of national identity, prestige, and ideological influence. The significance of the study lies in an in-depth understanding of the causes of the trade confrontation, which may help to develop strategies to minimize economic risks in the future.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/RG/RGW.27.4.3</doi>
          <udk>339.54</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>trade war; containment; confrontation; protectionism; conflict</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.3/</furl>
          <file>3_-Kozhirova-S_B_%2C-Nechay-A_A_-46-64.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>65-88</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Shamilov</surname>
              <initials>Aleksandr</initials>
              <email>shamilov.as@edu.spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes/>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great St.Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Kolesnikov</surname>
              <initials>Dmitry E.</initials>
              <email>opettaja555@gmail.com</email>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Finland in British Foreign Policy (1918–1939)</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">This article analyzes the foreign policy relations between Finland and Great Britain in the first half of the 20th century and before the start of the Winter War. Topic of the research has been little studied in Russian historiography. Article provides readers with a view of the events of that period from various British government institutions. During the 1920/30s, Great Britain was the largest trading partner of the northern country, but the British administration had only trade and economic interests in Finland. This approach had to be revised due to the aggravation of the political situation in Europe in the late 1930s. The British leadership tried to prevent Finland from falling into the sphere of influence of Nazi Germany, and at the same time tried to negotiate with the Soviet administration on the creation of an alliance. Many small nations of Europe, including the Finns, did not trust the Soviet Union, which made the task for British diplomats much more difficult. Eventually, the Soviet Union switched to aggressive actions towards Finland, and the British had to seriously consider plans of clash with the USSR and provide comprehensive assistance to Finland. The research aims to characterize the tasks which the British diplomatic leadership set in relation to Finland before the Second World War. In the research was used the method of historical and political analysis and content analysis of such data as diplomatic correspondence, notes and scientific articles, as well as the chronological method, which made possible to describe the events in chronological order. The research is based on Finnish and Russian sources and historical literature in English. The research contains first attempt in Russian historiography to present a general picture of events from the point of view of British diplomacy. In result of research were identified factors which influenced British foreign policy towards Finland, such as poor material preparation for the war, uncertainty and disagreement among the British top-brass on many foreign policy issues, close trade cooperation between Great Britain and Finland, and the interests of Great Britain in Northern Europe. The results of research allow to make a conclusion how changed the attitude of the British leadership towards Finland.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.4</doi>
          <udk>94</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>political history; history of international relations; diplomacy; Winter War; historical sources</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.4/</furl>
          <file>4_-Shamilov-A_S_%2C-Kolesnikov-D_E_-65-88.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>89-103</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0009-0006-6680-7802</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Ruchkin</surname>
              <initials>Nikita</initials>
              <email>ruchkin.nd@edu.spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-8604-7306</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint-Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Bogdanova</surname>
              <initials>Nadezhda</initials>
              <email>vbogdanova@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">The Impact of the Green Ministers' Decisions in the German Government on the Party's Image</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Germany is a democratic country in which the influence of parties on the decisions made in the government is very high. This determines the relevance of the study of the influence of the actions of politicians from the Green Party. Its members occupy key positions in the modern German government and the Greens is the third largest party in the parliament. The aim of the study is to identify the reasons for the rise and further decline in the popularity of the Greens in the Federal Republic of Germany after the Bundestag elections in 2021. The article examines the political trends that contributed to the rise in popularity and analyzes the performance of Green politicians in the current German government. The Union 90/Green party has long been a small party compared to the German “people's parties” – the CDU/CSU Union and the SPD. But recently we have seen a steady increase in the popularity of the Greens at the federal and regional levels. Based on the materials devoted to the political life of modern Germany, as well as statistical data, the authors conclude that the Green Party in modern Germany during the beginning of the twentieth Bundestag was a growing political force, and its politicians had popularity among voters. Nevertheless, the party's narrow focus and the current turbulent political environment have prevented the party from adapting to the modern conditions of public life. The results of recent elections in the eastern German states confirm this trend. The article analyzes the history of popularity growth and the current position of the Union 90/Green Party in modern Germany and the direct role of the party leaders in shaping its success. The authors make a forecast of further development of party-political processes in Germany.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.5</doi>
          <udk>329</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>Alliance 90; The Greens; political parties; Federal Republic of Germany; party system; elections</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.5/</furl>
          <file>5_-Ruchkin-N_D_%2C-Bogdanova-N_V_-89-103.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>104-121</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <researcherid>000458979100066</researcherid>
              <scopusid>57206727921</scopusid>
              <orcid>0000-0001-7280-6466</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great St.Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Bahturidze</surname>
              <initials>Zeinab</initials>
              <email>bahtur_zz@spbstu.ru</email>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1700-6217</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Guzey</surname>
              <initials>Yana</initials>
              <email>guzej_yas@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="003">
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Kasatkin</surname>
              <initials>Alexey</initials>
              <email>Alexkass2000@mail.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Huawei's Development Strategy for 2019–2022</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">In the current economic environment, the issue of competition between global companies at the global level is acute. Therefore, it is very important to develop an innovative development strategy, which, as in the case of Huawei, can not only solve the problems of survival, but also take the organization to a new level. Huawei is the world's leading supplier of telecommunication base stations. As a private enterprise in China, the company has great opportunities for successful development, which are built on a set of approaches and concepts. With unique strategic resources, relying on highly competitive industries, the company is developing "internationalization of research and development" to promote technological innovation and development. Innovation strategy is the main element of Huawei's development. Every year, the company allocates large funds to the development of new innovations. This policy defines Huawei as one of the most high-tech and innovative telecommunications conglomerates in the world. Huawei's innovation strategy reveals the features of the company's development based on 5G technologies, and also shows the positive results of the company's development in the field of innovation for the period 2019-2021, defining plans for the coming years in this segment. Huawei is an active participant in innovative entrepreneurship both within China and abroad. An analysis of Huawei's operations and reporting documentation allowed us to identify the main features of Huawei's economic strategy for the period 2019–2022. It was revealed that the company's activities are a striking example of the effectiveness of innovative development policy, which may be important for other participants in the information and communication technology market.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.6</doi>
          <udk>323 (510)</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>China; transnational technology company; globalization; competition of enterprises; innovation strategy; internationalization</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.6/</furl>
          <file>6_-Bahturidze-Z_Z_%2C-Guzey-Ya_S_%2C-Kasatkin-A_O_-104-121(1).pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>122-136</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint-Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Glukhov</surname>
              <initials>Vladimir</initials>
              <email>vicerector.me@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Saint-Petersburg State University of Economics</orgName>
              <surname>Melenteva</surname>
              <initials>Nadezhda</initials>
              <email>nimspb@mail.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="003">
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Saint-Petersburg State University of Industrial Technologies and Design</orgName>
              <surname>Melentev </surname>
              <initials>Maksim</initials>
              <email>maxmelentevm7@mail.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Glukhov, V.V., Melenteva, N.I., Melentev, M.Yu. On the Effectiveness of Interstate Sanctions Measures in the Context of a Modern Globalized Economy (Using the Example of the US Actions Against Huawei During the Presidency of D. Trump)</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">The People's Republic of China's accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001 contributed to its rapid economic growth. Around this time, a rapidly gaining momentum has indicated a trend for China to gradually take the leading position in the world in terms of key economic indicators. In this article, based on the analysis of business and scientific periodicals presented by special publications, including electronic publications, generalized conclusions are made regarding the possible ways of development of interstate economic relations in the segment of high technologies (microelectronics, global wireless communication system technologies, robotics, etc.) between China and the United States under the conditions of mutual sanctions restrictions.&#13;
&#13;
The research methods used were: generalization of factual and statistical data and observations (including those considered in the historical retrospective) based on the construction of infographics and comments to it using the methods of structural, mathematical-statistical and system analysis, economic-political analysis, including consideration of the problem of relations between countries both at the level of critically important spheres of economic life and at the level of inter-country relations.&#13;
&#13;
As a scientific result, the article presents the conclusion that in the long term a significant strengthening of China's economic role on the world stage is possible, while weakening the United States, which will probably contribute to a decline in the overall level of political and economic cooperation in the world. The U.S. policy of sanctions pressure on China, especially on its high-tech companies such as Huawei, is aimed at pushing them out of the global IT market. These actions conflict with the national interests of both countries. The considered situation shows the ambiguity of sanctions policy in the context of global interconnectedness of world economies, even if the initiator of sanctions restrictions is such a powerful economy as the U.S. economy.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.7</doi>
          <udk>339</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>China; the United States; US-Chinese economic relations; confrontation; sanctions policy; technology wars; Huawei</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.7/</furl>
          <file>7_-Gluhov-V_V_%2C-Melenteva-N_I_%2C-Melentev-M_Yu_-122-136.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>137-163</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint-Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Kuchumova</surname>
              <initials>Ekaterina</initials>
              <email>kuchumova_ev@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Baku State University; Baku Azerbaijan</orgName>
              <surname>Qafarov</surname>
              <initials>Midhad</initials>
              <email>msqafarov@mail.ru</email>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="003">
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint-Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Sablina</surname>
              <initials>Marina</initials>
              <email>sablina_ma@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Specifics of External Migration in Russia at the Present Stage:  Issues and Regulatory Mechanisms</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">The proposed article examines the features of external migration in the Russian Federation at the present stage, with a focus on current challenges and mechanisms for their regulation. The study presents expert opinions, regulatory documents, and statistical data aimed at identifying key trends and challenges facing the country's migration policy. Analyzing definitions of migration in scientific literature is crucial for understanding various aspects of migration processes. The primary focus is on analyzing the specific factors that make Russia attractive for migration, driven by both economic and social factors; issues of social integration of migrants; legal regulation of migration flows; and the impact of external migration on Russia's economic development. The article discusses existing regulatory mechanisms for controlling migration flows, highlighting both their strengths and weaknesses. The results emphasize the need to revise key aspects of Russia's immigration policy to enhance the economic level of its most vulnerable regions and strengthen cooperation with post-Soviet countries and China. The article offers recommendations for improving migration policy aimed at ensuring sustainable socio-economic development and enhancing national security.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.8</doi>
          <udk>14.748</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>Russian Federation; CIS countries; migration processes; external migration; immigration policy</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.8/</furl>
          <file>Kuchumova-E_V_%2C-Gafarov-M_S_%2C-Sablina-M_A_-137-163.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>164-180</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-4663-8072</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Saint Petersburg State University</orgName>
              <surname>Bolgov</surname>
              <initials>Radomir</initials>
              <email>rbolgov@yandex.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">E-participation as a Research Area: A Bibliometric Analysis</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">The study aims to promote a better understanding of the literature in the field of e-participation, as well as to demonstrate the possibility of using software designed for automated processing of information arrays downloaded from bibliographic databases for scientometric analysis of such a complex interdisciplinary research area as e-participation. A descriptive analysis of publications and authors was conducted to identify the areas of knowledge in which the concept of e-participation is involved; the conceptual structure of the research area was analyzed using bibliometric tools, which allows creating a map of the most important topics studied. Based on this, the author suggests future research directions. A total of 1946 publications from the Scopus citation database for the period 1968–2022 were analyzed. The results indicated the possibility of effectively using the functionality of the software for analyzing interdisciplinary trends in world science. The author concludes that this research area has reached the point of "maturity". The number of publications is growing, but not at such an explosive rate as it was 10-15 years ago. New journals are appearing, their quartiles are growing, the share of publications of conference proceedings is decreasing (with an increase in the number of journal articles), which indicates an increase in the quality of research.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.9</doi>
          <udk>327</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>political governance; e-participation; bibliometric analysis; research area; digitalization</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.9/</furl>
          <file>9_-Bolgov-R_V_-164-180.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>181-200</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <scopusid>57038703800</scopusid>
              <orcid>0000-0001-7667-0383</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University; Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan</orgName>
              <surname>Kalashnikova</surname>
              <initials>Natalia P.</initials>
              <email>nerush50@mail.ru</email>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
          <author num="002">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0009-0003-3047-8400</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Pavlova</surname>
              <initials>Olga</initials>
              <email>pavlova_ok@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Creation of Free Economic Zones in the People's Republic of China (Historical and Political Analysis)</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Since the middle of the twentieth century, in connection with global processes in the world economy, free economic zones (FEZ) began to arise. Over the past decades, they have spread widely in many countries of the world. The main goal of the FEZ was to attract foreign investment, new technologies, progressive management experience, increase and diversify exports and, ultimately, accelerate the economic development of the country. The People's Republic of China is one of the leaders in the global economy. Over forty years of implementing the policy of "reform and openness", the country's economy has achieved impressive results. According to many analysts, this result was achieved thanks to the creation and operation of the FEZ. Their activities in China have contributed to attracting huge foreign investments, Chinese companies have gained access to advanced scientific and technical production facilities, as well as modern management methods. The reasons and prerequisites for the creation of the FEZ are outlined. The article is devoted to the analysis of the history of the creation and functioning of FEZ in the People's Republic of China, which are the locomotives in the development of the country's economy. Special attention is paid to the historical and political science background of the formation and activity of the FEZ. The experience of FEZ activities clearly shows that their success is inextricably linked with the transition to an open economy. The work reveals the stages of the creation of FEZ in China. Currently, FEZs have entered a new period of their improvement. Experimental free trade zones are being created, which I advocate not only as a way to solve economic problems, but also as an important factor in economic growth. This direction is becoming a key strategic step of the CPC Central Committee in promoting the policy of reform and openness in the new era.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.10</doi>
          <udk>32+338.1</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>world economy; international economic relations; free economic zones; regional policy; Deng Xiaoping; reform and openness policy</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.10/</furl>
          <file>10_-Kalashnikova-N_P_%2C-Pavlova-O_K_-181-200.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>201-217</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>https://orcid.org/0009-0002-9777-520X</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Lu</surname>
              <initials>Feng</initials>
              <email>boker809260921@gmail.com</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">Central Asia's Geopolitical Identity and Structure in Context of Bifurcative History (to the Question of Historiographical Analysis)</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">Discussion is offered on the complex and fluid geopolitical identity of the Central Asian region, which historically served as an important bridge between Eastern and Western civilizations, where trade activities and information exchange along the Silk Road trajectory often took place. The study analyzes the state of coexistence of “closedness and connectedness” of Central Asian countries and the mediating role they have played in different historical periods. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the five Central Asian states began to form a new structure of identity and external perception; in this regard, the author analyzes the internal structure and its dynamics, including the process of Russian expansion; changing governance models; and the administrative and parallel structures inherited by the Central Asian states after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The study is based on the results obtained from the analysis of sources within the framework of the civilizational approach in the analysis of Central Asian identity, combined with the methods of historical-comparative analysis. Based on the results of the study, the author proposes a hypothesis of new historical narratives and their influence on the construction of national identities in the context of the pluralistic and multilinear nature of the development of the “Big Five” states that are currently part of the Commonwealth of Independent States.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.11</doi>
          <udk>32+325.8+930.85</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>Central Asia; G5 countries civilizational exchange; internal structure; changes in governance; bifurcation history; national identity; geo-identity</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.11/</furl>
          <file>11_-Lu-Fen_-201-217.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>RAR</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>218-239</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2063-2227</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Altai State University</orgName>
              <surname>Bochkareva</surname>
              <initials>Irina</initials>
              <email>portnygina@yandex.ru</email>
              <address>Barnaul, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">The System of Urban Self–Government in the Semirechensk Region of the Russian Empire (Late XIX – Early XX Century)</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">The introduction of all estates elected institutions of urban self-government in the person of the City Duma and the City Council following the results of the urban reform of 1870 corresponded to the logic of the Russian Empire modernization process. At the same time, for the Russian Empire’s national regions, where a special administrative procedure was in effect, a restrictive regime was applied for the dissemination and application of general imperial legislative norms, taking into account local specifics. The development of urban self-government institutions in the Semirechensk Region, which since 1867 has alternately been part of the Turkestan and then the Stepnoy Krai, is indicative of the analysis of the central and regional political elite’s approaches on the issue of attracting "city laymen" to local government.  The author aims to examine the  principles of organization of urban self-government institutions in the Semirechensk Region, first of all, the city of Verniy, to assess the contribution of the Vernensky Duma to the urban environment’s modernization. Being a part of the Stepnoy Krai from 1882 to 1899 led to the fact that the urban self-government’s system of the region was changed in accordance with the general imperial norms according to the City Regulations of 1892, and with the return of the region to the Turkestan Krai, it was preserved. The effectiveness of the City Duma and the City Council was reduced by the modest city budget and the lack of economic factors for its growth, the shortage of urban land due to a conflict of interests with the Cossacks. Despite all the difficulties of the work, urban self-government institutions of Verniy performed a necessary function in the system of public administration – solving issues of current daily life support of the population at the local level, which for the provincial and regional administration on the empire’s outskirts were not among the priorities. It is no coincidence that during the revision of the Turkestan region in 1908–1909 Senator K. Palen, having compared the experience of public urban management in Semirechye and the direct management of local administration in other cities of Turkestan, recognized it as more effective and recommended extending the experience to other cities in the region.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.12</doi>
          <udk>93</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>Stepnoy Region; Turkestan’s Region; modernization of the urban management system; Vernyi; City’s Duma; City’s Government; Mayor</keyword>
            <keyword>City Budget</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.12/</furl>
          <file>12_-Bochkareva-I_B_-218-239.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
      <article>
        <artType>BRV</artType>
        <langPubl>RUS</langPubl>
        <pages>240-250</pages>
        <authors>
          <author num="001">
            <authorCodes>
              <orcid>0000-0002-3833-516X</orcid>
            </authorCodes>
            <individInfo lang="ENG">
              <orgName>Peter the Great Saint Petersburg Polytechnic University</orgName>
              <surname>Dziuba</surname>
              <initials>Elena</initials>
              <email>dzyuba_ev@spbstu.ru</email>
              <address>Saint Petersburg, Russia</address>
            </individInfo>
          </author>
        </authors>
        <artTitles>
          <artTitle lang="ENG">West and East: Two Views – ‘Two Roads’, or About Russia in the Centre of Information Confrontation</artTitle>
        </artTitles>
        <abstracts>
          <abstract lang="ENG">The review analyses the monographic study by a team of authors ‘Information Warfare in a Special Military Operation. Experience of linguistic analysis’ (Moscow: LLC “FLINTA”, 2024. 272 p.), devoted to the study of manipulative means of influence on the formation of public opinion. The monograph was edited by Doctor of Philological Sciences O. I. Kalinin. The center of research attention is Russia, namely a special military operation, which became the subject of a fierce information war. The authors of the monograph note two evaluative tendencies regarding the Russian position — categorically negative (on the part of the Collective West: Great Britain, Germany, Spain, etc.) and restrained (on the part of the countries of East and South-East Asia: China, Vietnam, North Korea, etc.). The peculiarities of the structure of the work are noted. The first chapter presents the theoretical and methodological basis for the study of information wars: the authors emphasise the relevance of different approaches to the study of this phenomenon (communicative, discursive, cognitive and cultural-ideological) and insist on the productivity of a comprehensive analysis of the collected material. The second and third chapters of the monograph list the key strategies and tactics of influencing mass audiences in the media space of Western and Eastern countries, as well as two trends in the understanding of the future world order reflected in the media of different countries.</abstract>
        </abstracts>
        <codes>
          <doi>10.48612/rg/RGW.27.4.13</doi>
          <udk>327+81</udk>
        </codes>
        <keywords>
          <kwdGroup lang="ENG">
            <keyword>Information Warfare; Political Media Discourse; Special Military Operation; Western Media about Special Military Operation; Western Media East and South-East Asian Media about Special Military Operation</keyword>
          </kwdGroup>
        </keywords>
        <files>
          <furl>https://russiaglobal.spbstu.ru/article/2024.30.13/</furl>
          <file>13_-Dzyuba-E_V_-240-250.pdf</file>
        </files>
      </article>
    </articles>
  </issue>
</journal>
